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S the Congressional inquiry into the Ordnance Bureau the Congressional investigation has proceeded, there has been and the Quartermaster's Department proceeds, the grave little indication that personal jealousy has been permitted to

deficiencies which exist in the supply and equipment for interfere in any way with the proper provision of food, clothing, our troops grow more and more apparent.

and other such supplies for our military forces. It is plainly It is admitted by all interests, both in and out of the War evident, however, that because of our general unpreparedness in Department, that our soldiers abroad are depending at present the past, and the inelastic organization of our War Department, entirely upon our allies for their artillery and machine guns. The the Government has been unable to provide uniforms, overauthorities in our War Department state that our allies can coats, and certain other supplies for the men in training. afford to lend us this vital aid without detriment to themselves. Apparently the Quartermaster's Department has made its best Many voices have been raised, however, in a protest against showing in the matter of the food provided for the men, for such a statement. To the impartial observer it seems distinctly there has been a notable lack of criticism on the grounds of unlikely that France and England-two nations which have insufficient food. been straining every resource during the last three years to ward One of the reasons why there has been delay in providing off the attacks of an aggressive and desperate foe--should have clothing for our troops is to be found in the complicated system supplies to spare.

used by the War Department in checking orders passing be In any case, it grows more and more apparent that the ad tween various offices within the War Department. mitted shortage of supplies for our own troops is due, in part at General Sharpe, under questioning by Senator Wadsworth, least, to a failure by the War Department to avail itself of all admitted that in one important case it took four days for the resources at the command of the American Nation.

telegram to come from the Adjutant-General's office to the This general criticism is particularly applicable in the case Quartermaster-General

. Senator McKellar graphically described of the supply of machine guns. The machine-gun situation is the course of the particular telegram to which General Sharpe doubly complicated, for it involves a controversy which has referred. Said Senator McKellar: been raging in army circles for a long period antedating the As I understand the course of that telegram, it comes from present war. Any one who has followed at all closely the action

the officer in the field to the Adjutant-General. Then it comes of the War Department in recent years knows that the Bureau to the Quartermaster-General. Then from the Quartermasterof Ordnance has manifested on more than one occasion a hostility Generať back to the Adjutant-General; then from the Adjutowards the Lewis machine gun which has aroused considerable tant-General to the Assistant Chief of Staff, and from the Assistdebate. Colonel Lewis, U. S. A., retired, the inventor of the ant Chief of Staff back to the Adjutant-General and the QuarterLewis machine gun, believes that the failure to recognize the

master General combined. Then from the Adjutant-General back value of his weapon has been due to the personal antagonism

to the officer, and the Quartermaster-General then acts upon it. of General Crozier, Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance. General General Sharpe said that he then acted upon such a requisition Crozier, on the other hand, has indicated on more than one if his approval had been confirmed, but it was made manifest occasion that he was not satisfied with the performance of the that confirmation of an order implied progress through the Lewis gun in actual test. Colonel Lewis's arguments are entire course of procedure described by Senator McKellar. strengthened by the fact that his gun has been eagerly seized General Sharpe admitted that on one occasion General Wood upon by the ordnance officials of our allies, and that thousands had on his own authority bought twenty thousand pairs of overupon thousands of them are now in constant use on and over alls for his men at Camp Funston in order that they might be the western front.

clothed until the regulation uniforms arrived. He did this with Whatever the cause of General Crozier's objections, they were out authority, but the Quartermaster-General approved of it, sufficient in weight greatly to retard the acceptance of Lewis because of the necessity of the situation. General Wood's prompt machine guns by the War Department even after the outbreak action was apparently typical of the way in which the Quarter. of hostilities had made manifest to every eye the immediate master's Department has not been managed. need of developing to the limit the machine gun capacity of No American can be blind to the size of the problem which American factories. In his testimony before Congress Colonel has confronted the War Department since the outbreak of the Lewis told of his repeated efforts to give his gun to his Govern war. And many Americans, with the size of the problem conment without compensation to himself. He said that he had fronting the War Department in mind, have been loth to critireturned to the American Government the thousands of dollars cise the inefficiency which has in some respects been manifested. in royalties he had received for Lewis guns ordered for the As one citizen overheard in a restaurant a few days ago re English Government but later turned over to our own. He said marked, “Think what confusion would result if the average that the War Department had at first refused to accept his business concern were asked to expand a thousandfold within a check, and later, after reversing its decision, had failed even to few months." acknowledge his voluntary gift. Colonel Lewis's statements to The comparison sounds plausible, but it is not just. An ordi this effect, backed up by letters produced at the Congressional nary business is run on a basis of paying for improvements and investigation, whatever bearing they may have on his criticism developments out of its profits. A War Department is organof General Crozier, certainly give evidence of a lack of cour. ized with the understanding that whenever an emergency exists tesy from officials toward the inventor.

the funds at its disposal will be limited only by the resources of General Crozier claims that the War Department has found the Nation. in the Browning machine gun a better weapon than the Lewis, The success of an ordinary business is determined by its daily but all the testimony before the Congressional Committee balance sheet. The success of a War Department can be detershowed that the Browning gun, so far as any quantity produc mined only by its ability to face an emergency and to meet tion is concerned, is largely a thing of the future. At the time whatever demands the country makes upon it in time of war. of its adoption by the War Department but two Browning A war department organized only for peace-time use is like an guns were in existence. It would seem to the lay observer insurance company organized on a basis of ney having to pay that it would have been better to accept as the standard out money for the losses of its policy-holders. What would the equipment of our troops a weapon which had already decisively average citizen say of an insurance company which accepted proved its merit and its right to survive on a thousand hard his premiums year after year, but failed to pay its just debt fought fields. The Browning gun may be a hundred times more when his house or his factory burned to the ground ? efficient than the Lewis, but it can be said, without fear of con In the very nature of things a war department should be tradiction by partisans of either gun, that no blueprint ever organized with the greatest possible degree of elasticity. If it killed a German.

proves itself inelastic and convention-bound in time of war,

it The Congressional inquiry into the Quartermaster's Depart can be justly criticised, even though a commercial concern conment has brought to light certain deficiencies of method which fronted by problems of the same character and magnitude might have greatly retarded the equipment for our troops. So far as be pardoned for a demonstration of similar deficiencies.

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TOW, like a child that has paid a nickel for a toy, they again and again wistfully to the dream-Germany which has long

are crying because the salesman won't let them have perished, if it ever existed. ... In the hearts of countless the toy and the nickel also.”

German-Americans there is unquestionably a conflict raging This is the way that Hermann Hagedorn, an American of between that sense of duty and that sentimental turning to the German parentage, characterizes those German-Americans who past. want to be loyal to America but at the same time want to It is not surprising that this conflict between a loyalty based cherish a loyalty to their German inheritance.

on a sense of duty and a loyalty based on sentimentality should An American who knows no divided allegiance can perhaps bring distress and in some cases hardship. And it is not surbest understand what this struggle between two such loyalties prising that it affects different individuals in different ways. means by learning how that struggle has affected the lives of The three stories that follow tell how this conflict has affected

individuals. Three such individuals in what here follows tell three different types. tian their stories of that struggle as it has affected them.

In the case of Mr. Froehlke, that conflict has been carried on After reading these stories the plain American, who has within his own mind. Though Mr. Froehlke was born in Amernever been troubled with a hyphen, will perhaps be more ready ica, he has gone through the struggle between those two loyalties to sympathize with some of his fellow-Americans who have been as neither of the other two has. He has experienced conversion through some phase of this struggle. As Mr. Hagedorn, in to the American spirit, and he suggests that that process of

the article written for the Vigilantes from which we have conversion is slow in coming to an end. har quoted above, says concerning the German-American :

In the case of Dr. Steiner, the storm of the conflict has surged Like all sentimentalists, he wants to have his cake and eat it

against him from the lives of others. Born of Jewish parentage too ; he forswears his allegiance to Germany because he wants

in Austria, Dr. Steiner knew what it was to find the American to enjoy American equality of opportunity, and at the same time spirit before he ever came to this land ; and he has known what

he persuades himself that he is still ein guter, braver Deutscher. it has been to go through such a conflict as some of his fellowdiju

America is his wife, but he keeps Germany as his soul-mate, and Americans are going through, because he has himself gone is puzzled and offended when his wife boxes his ears and hales through a similar process in becoming a minister of the Chris him into court.

tian gospel. He has tried to be an interpreter of the American ... America should have been more observant. She should back

spirit to others who, like himself, have been alien immigrants. have seen that the German-Americans needed some friendly atnit tention. America did not see, but Germany did.

The special occasion which calls forth the story he tells is re The German-American has a keen sense of duty. It is inbred

ferred to in a note which prefaces what he has to say. wania in him. That sense of duty will make him wish faithfully to

In the case of the unnamed woman of Wisconsin, that struggle obey the laws of the United States, of which he is a citizen. But

has had its outcome in a whole-hearted acceptance of the Amerithe German-American has likewise an abnormally developed

can spirit which amounts to a profound, sturdy, aggressive bump of sentimentality. That fatal quality will make him turn faith. -THE EDITORS.



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BY THE REV, PAUL FROEHLKE S soon as the European war broke out I entirely forgot Our patriotism has been put to the test, and be it known that that America was the land of my birth and became a it has stood the test. Our hearts are beating for America, our

hopes are for America, our lives, our services, are at the dis of anything Allied, particularly British, in the sharpest terms. posal of America." In the heat of passion I unreservedly threw my lot with the This letter, written bona fide by a sanguine-choleric band,

German nation, and actually conceived of the idea, with its established beyond a doubt my loyalty among fellow-Americans. 3 ag0A resultant emotion, that if Germany were to go down into defeat In reality, however, as I see it now, my communication was a averat it would be my share in life ever afterward to greet my fellow shield which protected me against accusations of disloyalty

American citizens shamefacedly and apologetically. Viewed while I got my bearings and steered toward the safe harbor of

in the light of the present time, my former self was a German Americanism. Anar

in disguise, and that man who with biting sarcasm remarked, That there was need of such a course soon became apparent

after Î had sat in judgment on the Entente with particular to me. My assumption that I was an American after our counis ez harshness, “ You Germans will soon be roaming about without a try had taken up arms against the Imperial Government of

country," was almost right, for when Congress declared a state Germany received a severe jolt when, to my horror, I found of war existing between Germany and our country I virtually that I could read war news unfavorable to the Allies with equafound myself on neutral ground and

had no country, Germania nimity and a certain degree of complacency; in my treacherous and America, on either side of me, both appealing for respective heart there was concealed a jubilant triumph because of Gerdemonstrations of loyalty.

man victories which slavish fear of prosecution suppressed. America won the day, but the transition was not quite so What a pass I, a native American, had come to! How could precipitate as a certain communication which I sent to one of it be possible ?

our local newspapers immediately after Bernstorff had been As I ponder over this question it appears to me that I, is om handed his passports would indicate ; part of this here follows: and no doubt others, were not altogether to blame for the

"The severance of diplomatic relations caused my heart to temperamental condition just confessed. Our fellow-Americans bleed, and I am sure it lacerated the souls of thousands of other made it difficult even for a native American who happened to men of German descent. Thank God, it was only for the mo

hare a reading and speaking knowledge of the language of his ment! With a supreme and holy effort we have thrown off our forefathers-in our case it is the German language-to be and prejudices in regard to the European war and are now concern.

feel himself a real American. Of course I must admit that, as ing ourselves only with the interest of America. We shall stand my father was the pastor of a large German-speaking congre by our country. Šurely our fellow-citizens will understand how gation, my environments were principally German ; we spoke

it could come to pass that we were downcast at the news of the German at home, carried on conversations in the German ide me

severance of diplomatic relations with Germany, the land of language with most of our friends, read German literature our forefathers, whose memory we cherish. It was but natural. extensively, and attended such schools and colleges as laid stress

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V. in an uncommon degree, and when one suffers clear

on the German part of the curriculum. Influence of this Through bitter experience our fellow-Americans have disnature combined with natural tendencies was bound to create covered their mistake, and would retrieve that which they here. in us a certain degree of regard for the land of our fore- tofore have neglected. Toward this end our Administration has fathers. This attachment to the old country would not only taken measures for an official campaign of enlightenment as to have remained harmless, but, in my opinion, would have con our war aims. Nothing could be more expedient and opportune. tinued to be a beneficial factor in our American life, had not Coming at a time when a great many German-Americans were our American brethren continually harped on and accentuated perplexedly asking themselves, “Warum dieser Krieg ?? this our being of German extraction, and thus, in the course of time, propaganda for true, unadulterated Americanism was, and is perpetuated in our mind the idea that we were an incongruity still, bound to bring good results, inasmuch as the psychological in the American make-up.

moment for such a movement has been chosen and the whole As far back as my memory reaches I remember being called dealt with in the spirit of mutual helpfulness and faira German, seldom an American. When I attended our parochial ness. Much of the war-time oratory which was indulged in by school, my “Yankee ” friends, of course, said I was going to the amateurs, who acted in no official capacity, and therefore in very German school, and they dubbed me a “ Dutchman." Later on, many cases had no inside information, was nauseating to me in when I was graduated from college and had completed my course its spread-eagle style, and, if anything, only served to foster my in a theological seminary, I never failed to be introduced dislike for war against Germany. Another adverse feature of as the German pastor, though I preached more English than these bellicose speeches was that they were very often delivered German. Living in a settlement where people spoke a great by those men who before the war made it a practice to cater to deal of German, it was no uncommon thing for me to hear “German ” people. Can you imagine the impression it made on politicians paying a glowing tribute to the honesty, integrity, me when the very same men who before the war assiduously and initiative of the German people, as though these commend labored to Germanize me dragged the general apathy of the able qualities were our private property. In papers, books, and German-American into the hell-hole of fiery invectives, and magazines of all sorts the praises of Germany, her Government, would have every German-speaking American shot as a traitor her people, her scenery, “her everything," were sung. Tourists at sunrise? They put me in mind of a parent who in a fit of who came back likewise praised Germany, and took special anger mercilessly whipped his spoiled child, whose greatest crime pains to draw comparisons and place America not always in was that it had followed in its father's footsteps. In their publie a very favorable light. How, then, in the name of common utterances a spirit of more or less sanctimonious hypocrisy sense, was I to become Americanized when my fellow-citizens evinced itself. To be sure, it inspired me with confidence and dil all in their power to Germanize me, an American by refreshed me when our Administration finally hit upon the plan birth ?

of taking me into its confidence, of meeting me half-way, as it So it happened that when my country took up arms against were, and of making me feel that I was an integral part in the the Kaiser and his kin I was out of sympathy with her under American machinery. taking. I did not feel myself a real American.

Former prejudices gradually pushed aside, I began to apply When one considers what has happened since war was de- myself with painstaking study to the solution of the perplexing clared, this treatment of the German-Americans by their fellow- problems and the mental phenomena with which only Germancitizens appears all but criminal. And they felt it; the truth of Americans in this war crisis were confronted. The Government this is borne out by the fact that America is betraying a bad co-operating with me in the spirit of fair play, my efforts have conscience by the distrust which she shows toward everything been crowned with success. I am beginning to feel myself a German, regardless of whether American ideas have been assim real American. ilated or not. When a state of war was declared between Amer To illustrate the point permit me to relate an experience of ica and the Imperial Government of Germany, apprehensions mine, trivial in itself, but full of meaning. Walking along the were entertained on all sides as to the stand German-Americans street the other day I met with a crowd of small boys and heard would take toward a situation pregnant with so many possibili one of them say,


goes the German pastor.” Before the
ties of a decisive nature. Why this distrust? Surely the Ger war and some time after I did not mind being accosted and
man-Americans did not merit this disgrace. The history of our spoken of in that manner; but this time the “German" part of
country vouched for their loyalty, and history, it is said, repeats it hurt, not because I am ashamed of my German parentage-
itself. Undoubtedly this uneasiness was partly due to the fact I am proud of it--but because it awakened in me a sensation
that this war would automatically align so many of our fellow as if I were ostracized from the categorical group that saith,
citizens against their kinsmen, a situation in which sentimen “We are Americans .'
tality and natural affection might be easily misguided and pre In conclusion I ask the question, Am I a traitor ? I may
cipitate disaster; but for the most part this distrust toward have been one in embryo, but it seems to me I was nipped in
the German-American was engendered by his own bad con the bud.
science. He was not without blame,

Savannah, Illinois.


BY EDWARD A. STEINER It has been asserted that some of Dr. Steiner's utterances have been open to severe criticism. As he is known to large numbers of Amer. icans, and especially to our readers, as a writer and a lover of humanity, it is eminently suitable that he should explain through The Outlook just what his position is. Those of our readers who remember his three articles on the Herr Director and the American spirit will associate his name with a particularly high and moving interpretation of America. The Outlook's acquaintance with Dr. Steiner is personal and direct. We hope that this communication from him, which has been published also elsewhere, will lead to a more discriminating valuation of the Americanism that has been fostered by Americans of alien birth.—THE EDITORS.

Y pen has been practically idle for three years. In com be, and did not dream that we should suffer by it to the degree mon with most Americans, I have felt much and suffered that we have.

From the very first, however, I shared in the suffering which thinking is difficult. One can speak without thinking, but one has now become so common. I knew Serbia and loved its peocannot write; at least I could not. The suffering has, however, ple. I had great hopes that after the Balkan War it would become so intense that I must give utterance to my feeling, and speedily recover and ultimately find its place among the forI am addressing Outlook readers because they have been my ward-moving nations of Europe. The invasion of Serbia by audience for many years, always patient and generous.

Austria, its final devastation by Austrian and German troops, When the war broke out, I was not as unprepared for it as the ravages of disease which followed, I felt in their full force, most Americans. I knew it was coming, and also knew why it and knew it to be the doom of the people whom I loved. was to come. I did not know how vast the conflagration would The conquest of Montenegro was a still greater agony


knew not only its brave people, but have enjoyed the the fate of spies. Not for the embittered, disloyal German who 7 of its ruler. One of my first contributions to The

will not see the agony his country has brought upon the world, described

visit to him. To see that rock-hewn throne

nor for that portion of the German press which has been misin desecrated, for the first time in six hundred years, leading. Its business was to guide and direct, not to perplex. nendous disappointment.

I am pleading for those among us who are bewildered and rors perpetrated in Belgium, the burning and sacking sad. We ought not, we must not, meet them with a club and s which I knew and admired, the laying low of its

argue with a hangman's rope. I am not pleading for them vnal life, and the massacres of the Armenians were alone; I am pleading for my America, which will need every a horrors.

ounce of loyalty, not only now but when the war is over. ly I yielded myself to the thought of my country's Is it not possible to adopt a new strategy? Must the fate of co the war, knowing the price we must pay for our these people be left in the hands of county and State chairmen

of defense who have neither outlook nor sympathy, and who it, however, that I could find an effective way in were chosen for their belligerency as much as for their paald aid, besides the giving of money for every appeal, triotism? We shall need to place new Liberty bonds; we shall ; for Liberty bonds, and offering myself to the need new and greater sacrifices. Shall we secure them by coer: İ. for the work it is doing in the war camps.

cion of the worst kind ? I tried to act as a mediator between the alien-born and the I know what is going on in the hearts of the men who have native citizen. I began to interpret to the Americans the prob- been cruelly treated and maligned. If I were not so thoroughly lems of these foreigners who suddenly were called upon to fight an American, if I did not sense the American spirit at its best, for their adopted country, and to fight against their own people. the treatment I have received would make an Anarchist of me. I also tried to interpret to the foreign-born the position of I am pleading for a new stiategy, for we are unmaking good America, the high ideals which moved it, and the inability of Americans and not making them. Let the President appoint a the Nation to keep out of the conflict under the conditions. board-one board more or less will not matter. Let it deal with

In my attempt to mediate I did not straddle ; but I pleaded the problem of the foreign-born. The members of this board constantly for that which was upon my heart.

need not be foreign-born citizens, but Americans who know The prosecution of the war, however, has brought about a them and their problems. state of mind which has made the continuance of this task all Frankly, I am fearing for the future of our country after the but impossible--at least in Iowa, for it is here that my patriot war, not while it lasts. I fear that the breach will grow the ism has received its first challenge. I could not remain silent greater as the war proceeds and as it exacts from us greater when ill-advised or bewildered men were dragged out of their sacrifices. I fear that we who were alien-born, and were born beds, brought before a self-appointed court, and, after being again into Americans, will be made into aliens again. Where I whipped, compelled to kiss the flag. It was a desecration of the am writing we are being controlled by a Prussian cast of mind; flag itself and a betrayal of the American spirit. I have myself we are fast becoming that which we are fighting, and the alienbeen attacked and my patriotism questioned because I tried to born are finding themselves in the midst of the very conditions stem the wave of hate which is sweeping across my own State. from which they fled. We need a new strategy, else we shall

Yet I am not now pleading for myself, though my suffering lose more than we shall gain, I know that a new strategy will is keen--all the keener because, although alien-born, I am with not be enough. It must be reinforced by a new spirit, or rather every fiber of my being an American. I am pleading for the the old American spirit of fair play; and for that, too, I plead, foreign-born citizen. Not for the German spy ; let him suffer and, I trust, not in vain.

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III—WHAT A GERMAN WOMAN THINKS THE following letter was printed in the New York “Trib “The American people have treated me fine, and never once une" of December 21 :

made me feel like a lickspittle, as the rich people do in Ger" To the Editor of the Tribune:

many. The German people here must not take the American “Sir-An honest German woman of Neillsville, Wisconsin, courtesy and forbearance for fear or cowardice-no, sir, or they says:

will get an awful bump soon. I know the American reserve and **If the Germans here don't like America, let them go back strength better than most people of my nationality. I think to Germany, where the poor people live like swine. It took me they have given us every chance in the world to get along and three

years to save enough money to get to this country, and I prosper, and it is a mean and dirty thing now to go to bragging had to borrow a little then to get a ticket for the trip. The and encouraging our country's enemy, Germany, a country that people there wear wooden shoes, held on by a strap across the is so conceited that it thinks it can run the world. Germany top, and I wore a pair when I came here; but I saved enough is the worst place in the world for a person to live, and I would out of my first week's wages to buy a pair of leather ones. as soon be in hell this minute as to go back where I

came from That was more than I could save in a month in Germany. They in Germany.' live like bogs over there, whole families in two small rooms, 6 Wisconsin has its Teutonic troubles, but this German woman where they dress and undress before each other. It seemed like is not one of them.

L. B. Ring.” heaven when I got to America and had a room all to myself. "Neillsville, Wisconsin, December 4, 1917."

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SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE OUTLOOK When the news of the defeat of Mayor Curley, of Boston, by Mr. Peters was announced—too late for adequate treatment last weekWe asked Professor W. B. Munro, who occupies the chair of Municipal Government in Harvard University, to tell our readers what the election signified, and this is his answer.-The Editors. HE battalions of municipal betterment scored a notable Let it not be inferred from this, however, that the voters of

victory at the recent Boston election. Their candidate for Boston have been seized by a spasm of reform. The defeat of

Mayor went “over the top ” with a plurality of nearly Mayor Curley was no doubt due in some degree to a general ten thousand. The control of the City Council remains firmly in dissatisfaction with many features of his administration, but in their hands. For the first time in many


, accordingly, there larger measure it was the result of a wide-open split in the ranks font is

a prospect of harmony between the two branches of Boston's of those who supported him four years ago. Two months before city government and a substantial assurance of better municipal the election it looked to the impartial observer as if Mr. Curley administration all along the line.

had managed to make himself impregnable. A man of far more

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With Mayor Peters at the helm Boston may look forward to

than ordinary mental capacity, he is one of the most courageous of any trade with the leaders of that party. It was merely and resourceful politicians in the entire country. His energy is because he seemed to be the candidate

most likely, and indeed boundless. In the art of putting ginger into a campaign he has the only candidate likely, to give the Republicans a fair deal. nothing to learn from any one. For four years, moreover, he has When the trend of things became apparent, the Curley strate devoted a large part of his undeniable talents to the work of gists made efforts to drag some camouflage Republican into intrenching himself in office. No wonder he hoped to be his own the ring in order that a portion at least of this vote might be

deflected from Mr. Peters, but the plan was quickly ridiculed Yet the whole structure, so carefully planned and builded, into an ignominious collapse. Of the 38,000 votes received by blew


in short order, and the reason is not far to seek. Mr. Mr. Peters the Republicans contributed at least from 20,000 to Curley's obvious solicitude for his own welfare recoiled upon 30,000. himself. A Mayor who aims to be also a boss must, of necessity, Two other factors contributed to the large plurality obtained pursue to some extent the methods of an autocrat, and the ever by Mr. Peters. One of these was the appearance of a fourth present tendency of autocracy is to precipitate revolt. That is candidate, another Democratic Congressman, the Hon. Peter just what happened in Boston. Leaders from his own political F. Tague. At the final count Mr. Tague made a poor showing ; party rose in their righteous wrath against Mayor Curley's his candidacy did not directly influence the issue of the election, attempt to dominate in his own personal interest, not only the but his trenchant criticism of Mayor Curley's official acts added administration of the city, but the Democratic organization of considerably to the sum of that gentleman's troubles at a time Boston as well.

when he had troubles enough elsewhere. The small vote polled A few weeks before the election Congressman James by Congressman Tague is in no sense a reflection upon his perA. Gallivan jumped into the arena as an anti-Curley can sonal popularity among the citizens of Boston. It shows merely didate and made it plain that he was in to stay. Friends of that he had no chance of winning, and that in a hard-fought the Mayor then made frantic proffers of the olive branch, but struggle men do not like to waste their

ballots on a sure loser. it was too late. Mr. Gallivan's personal magnetism, his wide The other factor which clinched the Peters triumph (although acquaintance, his reputation for rugged integrity, and his pic- the outcome proved that he would have won without this timely turesque methods of campaigning soon gained for his candidacy assistance) was a declaration in his favor by Martin M. Lo a remarkable momentum, and in the end he managed to poll masney, the sturdy and picturesque chieftain who holds in the nearly twenty thousand votes, a large part of which came un hollow of his hand one of the most solidly Democratic wards of questionably from the Curley ranks. When all is said and done, the city. This habitat of his, Ward Five, is one of the few it is to Congressman Gallivan and to his silver-tongued sponsor, Boston wards which has a leader strong enough to swing its ex-Mayor Fitzgerald, that Boston chiefly owes her deliverance votes en masse from one side to the other at his own command. from the morals and methods of Tammany.

Less than thirty-six hours before the election Mr. Lomasney, Here, at any rate, was an opportunity for the friends of who is commonly known in the vernacular of Boston politics as honest and efficient government to unite upon some candidate “ The Mahatma,” hurled his high-explosive shell into the Curley of outstanding merit, preferably one who had not been in any camp. Although an assault from this quarter was not unexway associated with the old City Hall crowd. Reformers too pected, it was timed, from the Peters stand point, at just the right often let such an opportunity slip by. The logic of the situation psychological moment. The air was surcharged with excitement pointed clearly to the wisdom of uniting upon the Hon. Andrew and uncertainty ; this thunderclap helped to clear it. Here, J. Peters, who had already announced himself as an aspirant at any rate, was a plain intimation to the seekers after the for the office.

loaves and fishes that lean years were ahead of those who pinned Although a Democrat, Mr. Peters had been four times their faith upon Mayor Curley's prospects of re-election. It was chosen to represent in Congress one of the Republican dis a broad hint that the pay-roll patriots should scurry for cover. tricts of Boston ; he had also served with conspicuous credit Bosses are human, some of them very much so. They like to as an Assistant Secretary of the Treasury at Washington. His be on the winning side. Yet the spectacle of Ward Five stormcandidacy was therefore indorsed whole-heartedly by the Gooding the polls of Boston in alliance with the cohorts of the Good Government Association, an organization which reflects with Government Association is not the least amusing sight that New more or less accuracy the non-partisan or “fusion ” sentiment England has seen for many a day. of Boston,

Out of approximately 88,000 votes cast Mr. Peters received With party lines thus obliterated, the campaign started with slightly less than 38,000; Mr. Curley somewhat more than a rush. As the days went on the most pronounced racial and 28,000, and Mr. Gallivan nearly 20,000. The remainder went to personal bitterness was created in some quarters, with the par Mr. Tague and to a Socialist nominee who drew but a few huntisans of Mayor Curley taking the chief initiative in this direc dred. What would have happened had the two leading candition. Being no neophyte in politics, Mr. Peters kept his balance dates been left to fight it out by themselves there is no way of and declined to be lured into this torrent of vituperation, of determining, but it is not probable that in such event Mr. appeals to religious prejudice and racial animosity, all of which Peters could have won. His easy victory, therefore, has no real unhappily have been far too often the accompaniment of a significance in demonstrating that a majority of Boston's voters Boston municipal contest, and which marked this particular have had a searching of hearts and now want the reformer's campaign with unprecedented virulence. So, while the Curley- brand of city government. The chief lesson to be learned from Gallivan forces blazed away at each other, Mr. Peters and his this election is, not how a reform mayor can be elected, but how friends clung steadfastly to the plan of making a straight an unreformed one may assure his own defeat. When a mayor forward appeal to the whole electorate, offering a constructive uses his appointing power, his patronage, his official influence

, programme of municipal improvement and promising an ad

and a large part of his energies for the obvious purpose of proministration which would be non-partisan in every sense of the moting his own political and personal interests, and particularly word. This policy was not spectacular, but it proved effective, when he accompanies this with sundry manifestations of worldly the more so because the voters of Boston have had their surfeit prosperity, he takes the risk of promoting disappointment, then of personalities in the campaigns of the past dozen years. envy, then vindictiveness, and finally an open revolt among

his The Republicans of the city, moreover, gave sign of coming erstwhile friends. solidly to the Peters standard. Having no representative of Mayor Curley overdid the thing. Not only was his administheir own party in the field, the promise of a non-partisan tration of a quality far below what a man of his brains and administration, made by Mr. Peters with evident sincerity, energy could have made it, but it was so thoroughly factional, naturally appealed to them. Republicans form a decided and so conspicuously disdainful of all other factions than his minority among the voters of Boston, but they are an influential own, that undercurrents of resentment were assured. Hence in element, and when the

Democrats are badly divided they hold no quarter did his humiliation give greater satisfaction than in the balance of power. They are not under the domination of any circles where four years ago he had his stanchest friends. one political leader, and their votes cannot be delivered in bulk to any one, as has been proved time and again. Mr. Peters bigger and better things. The commercial and industrial interobtained nearly the entire Republican strength, but not because ests of the community, the comfort and convenience of its citi

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