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which the good will of the employees is undisputed, is illustrated by citing the engineering departments of a firm engaged on heavy work, where the normal day-shift week is 53 hours and the night-shift week is 60 hours, in which 53 per cent of the time gained by working overtime, in a given four weeks in May, 1916, was lost by bad timekeeping and sickness, while 59.6 per cent was lost in a given two weeks in June, 1916. It is stated that the high percentage of loss is mainly attributable to a very high sickness rate, itself the result of long hours on heavy work since the beginning of the war.

"A mere comparison of hours gained by overtime and normal hours lost is worthless if unaccompanied by other figures; since if little overtime be worked it may be more than counterbalanced by a very moderate loss of normal time, not in any way due to the overtime work."

The report suggests in this connection that the very long hours worked in many factories during the past two years have, perhaps, been necessary, but that the necessity has been imposed upon and is deplored by employers and managers who have noted the decreasing briskness and resilience of the workers. The strain seems to have had its effect, not only upon operatives, but still more upon officials and upon foremen, who have broken down in considerable numbers. Many of the workers welcome long hours because of the extra pay, and one factory is mentioned in which the men complained in consequence of the fact that overtime had been kept at a low point. Howit is added that the sickness rate in that factory was correspondingly low, and "there can be no doubt that for the average man high wages earned by long hours are too dearly earned."

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In four selected cases where timekeeping was reasonably good and records were carefully made, the unavoidable loss, chiefly due to sickness, was more than half the total loss.

For the week ending February 4, 1916 (a period in which lost time was likely to be considerable, and the sickness rate especially likely to be high), of 77 firms returning their time lost as not more than 6 per cent of possible time, 56 attribute at least half to sickness (including accidents), and 21 attribute less than half of it to this cause; of 41 firms returning a percentage over 6 and not more than 10, 24 attribute at least half to sickness, and 17 attribute less; and of 25 firms whose employees lost more than 10 per cent of possible time, only 7 attribute more, and 18 attribute less, than half the loss to sickness. In one factory working 53 hours per week and requiring work before breakfast, 30.9 per cent of the men lost 5 per cent of the possible normal hours, while in another factory, also working 53 hours per week but requiring no work before breakfast, only 1 per cent of the men lost 2.38 per cent of the possible normal hours, both avoidably and on account of sickness. The following is a summary of the more important conclusions reached by the com

The proportion of lost time that is due to sickness and other unavoidable causes is, as a rule, greatly underestimated in factories' records, and the proportion due to slackness consequently overestimated.

Long hours, much overtime, and especially Sunday labor, have a pernicious effect upon health, particularly in heavy trades.

Except where hours have been very long relatively to the class of work, sickness does not appear to have increased in factories generally since the war, despite the withdrawal of many of the robust men; and the absence of such increase is to be ascribed to good employment and high wages.

Work before breakfast gives inferior output, lowers health, and leads to great loss of time as the first short spell is so frequently missed. Experience shows that in certain descriptions of work the early quarter has been advantageously abolished both prior to and even during the course of the war, and under similar conditions it ought not to be instituted in new factories opened during the further course of the war.

In its report on incentives to work, with special reference to wages, the committee states that it constantly found that the health, that is, the absence of sickness, physical and mental, and the efficiency of the workers are influenced by the earnings, and that output, which has been closely investigated as an indication of fatigue, may be influenced by the wage system in force. "Other influences may arise to stimulate the inclination for work, pride in craftsmanship and in work well done, personal rivalry to outstrip a fellow worker or hope of promotion," but in this report the committee aims to show to what extent it has found the efficiency of workers affected by the method of remuneration adopted; that is, payment for the time during which work is done (by the hour, the day, or night), or for the work done (by the piece), or as a minimum sum up to the completion of a certain task, beyond which piece rates are paid. Generally speaking, it was found that payment by time alone, which is unavoidable for a large proportion of the work, although it has the advantage of removing from the operative an element of uncertainty concerning his earnings, has no direct influence in stimulating the inclination to work, and that under this system some workers may be expected to keep well within their powers, while others, whose inclination to work is greater, may feel it a grievance that extra exertion brings with it no extra return.

On the other hand, piece rates, it is stated, have been introduced as a result of a desire to bring a direct stimulus to bear upon the natural inclination to work, "and the manufacture of munitions of war, which is so largely constant repetition work applied to a great number of minutely subdivided processes, lends itself particularly to this form of payment." A table is included giving a comparison of time wages and piece rates, showing that 17 girls drilling fuses and working on the piece-rate basis in one week increased their output by 24 per cent on the day shift and by 40 per cent on the night shift over their output when working on a time-wage basis; while

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three girls retapping fuses by hand increased their output 28 per cent on the day shift and 48 per cent on the night shift over their output when working on a time-wage basis.

The committee mentions, as instances of failures of wage systems to act as incentives, the lack of desire to earn more, lack of opportunity to spend, lack of adjustment of wage systems, and the additional fact that piece rates may cause overspeeding.

Certain definite influences appear to be important when arranging incentives intended to stimulate the natural inclination to work, and these the committee summarizes as follows:

A healthy environment in the factory and in the home is the first necessity in order to obtain a healthy population of wage earners to whom a wage scheme may appeal as an incentive to work.

Under conditions of repetition work, especially if it be monotonous, piece rates may be expected to give a greater output than time wages.

The rise and fall of wages (paid on a well-planned piece rate) earned by individual workers is a valuable indication of health and efficiency.

A wage scheme, the operation of which can not be easily understood by the wage earners, or, if understood, appears to them inequitable, fails as an incentive.

A wage scheme which is badly adjusted may lead directly to limitation of output.

A scale of wages which renders it possible for the wage earners to obtain too easily all the money which their social aspirations demand fails to provide an adequate incentive.

Hours of labor, which give but little chance of spending the wages earned, diminish the incentive to earn more money.

Workers, especially those newly introduced to industrial life, require protection against their own eagerness.

In connection with the medical studies 1,543 men, 1,509 boys, and 1,326 women and girls were examined between December, 1915, and August, 1916. Although evidence was found of strain and fatigue, the report states that at the time of the examination "the medical examiners undoubtedly found less ill health than they anticipated," probably due, it is suggested, to patriotism and to better food and clothing obtained as the result of the high wages now generally earned. However, a continuous process of selection of the strongest workers has hitherto been in operation, and this must be gradually restricted as the demands on labor increase, with the probable result that serious breakdowns in health may occur in the future. The report describes the factory and social environment of the workers, and information is given as to the conditions under which workers lived and labored during the period covered by the investigation, including such matters as the nature of the food eaten, housing and transit, the amount of sleep obtained by workers when on day shift and night shift, respectively, and the employment of married

With reference to men, the medical examiner found no one defect pointing conclusively to overwork or strain, although many of the defects taken collectively indicated severe strain, and he makes the suggestion that sleepiness on the night shift, headache, footache, and muscular pains, coupled with nervous symptoms, are probably the most common signs of overwork. Among 1,543 men the time lost during 12 months from all causes was 12,964 days, of which 20 per cent was due to accidents and 80 per cent to sickness. Among the boys, 53 per cent of the lost time was due to illness and 47 per cent to accidents. The medical examination of these men and boys led the examiner to recommend

(a) Reduction of excessive hours, especially when bad transit makes a substantial addition to the effective working day, and in the case of boys; (b) provision and improvement of canteens; (c) provision of adequate washing accommodation in all works, with baths for workers in the hot and heavy trades; (d) improvements in first-aid equipment; (e) hygienic qualifications of welfare workers.

The result of the examination of women and girls emphasized the importance of adequate provision for the health and comfort of the workers.

It is probable that as the work continues over a long period and the novelty wears off, the strain will become more serious, the standard of physical efficlency will be lowered, and the output consequently decreased unless care is taken to avoid unnecessary burdens and to secure such amelioration as is practicable. The provision of well-managed canteens, for example, is particularly important as the cost of food increases; suitable lodgings or hostels are more needed as factories enlarge and workers are encouraged to come from a distance; hours of work should be restricted within reasonable limits, with sufficient pause at the week-end and with periodical holidays; satisfactory arrangements for transit are essential if unnecessary fatigue and illness are to be avoided, especially during the winter months; properly staffed and equipped ambulance stations and rest rooms are needed, where girls temporarily incapacitated by illness or accident may obtain treatment or advice. A welfare supervisor, whose duty it is to care for the physical well-being of all women employed, should always be a member of the staff employed by the firm. The provision of day nurseries may sometimes be necessary.

If proper care and forethought are exercised there seems no reason why women and girls, suitably selected and supervised, and working under appropriate conditions, should not take their place in munition factories and carry out many operations hitherto considered fit only for men, without permanent detriment to their future health.

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MUNITIONS TRIBUNALS IN GREAT BRITAIN.

When the Munitions of War Act of 1915 was before Parliament as a bill, questions arose as to the judicial tribunals before which prosecutions for offenses under the act should be brought. This was a matter of very great importance, particularly to the worker. The munitions act revolutionized the old practices and customs regarding such vital matters as wages, trade-union rules, even the free transfer of the

worker from one place to another. It was therefore to be anticipated that the application of the act in practice would lead to many uncertainties and disputes.

It was originally intended that these prosecutions should take place before the ordinary courts of summary jurisdiction, but finally it was decided that it was desirable to set up new tribunals of a special character to deal with these prosecutions, and also with applications by workmen for "leaving" certificates.1

It was decided that each munitions tribunal should consist of an impartial chairma nappointed by the Minister of Munitions, assisted by representatives of employers and workmen drawn in equal numbers from panels formed for the purpose. This arrangement is analogous to that adopted in constituting the courts of referees under the National Insurance Act of 1911.

It was further decided to constitute two classes of munitions tribunals: (1) General munitions tribunals to deal with prosecutions for the more serious offenses, with power to imprison for nonpayment of fines; and (2) local munitions tribunals to deal with minor offenses and with applications by workmen for leaving certificates, these local tribunals not to have the power to imprison for nonpayment of fines.

These arrangements were embodied in section 15 of the Munitions of War Act of 1915 (July 2). Power to make rules for regulating the munitions tribunals was given to a secretary of state so far as related to offenses and to the Minister of Munitions so far as related to other matters. The Admiralty was substituted for the Minister of Munitions as the authority to appoint and choose members of a munitions tribunal to deal with offenses by persons employed in any docks declared to be controlled establishments by the Admiralty.

For the purposes of the munitions tribunals the United Kingdom was divided into 10 divisions-7 in England, 1 in Scotland, and 2 in Ireland. For each of these divisions a general munitions tribunal was set up. Each division was subdivided into a number of districts, for each of which a local munitions tribunal was constituted.

The rules for constituting and regulating the munitions tribunals were prepared as soon as possible and came into force as Provisional Rules on the 12th of July, 1915.2 Similar rules were prepared at the

1 In order to promote continuity of employment the act forbids employers in certain establishments from employing a workman who has within six weeks been engaged on munitions work, unless such workman has been granted a certificate by his former employer that the workman is free to accept other employment, or a certificate to that effect granted by a munitions tribunal. Munitions of War Act, 1915, section 7, anending act, 1916, section 5.

No. 221 of the United States These rules were no longer in Statutory Rules and Orders No.

2 These Provisional Rules were published in Bulletin Bureau of Labor Statistics under date of April, 1917. force at that date, having been suspended in 1916, by 123 (Feb. 24, 1916). The error was due to slowness in receiving published documents

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