Parliament was opened, February 3d, 1825, by commission from the king. The speech congratulated the two houses upon the great prosperity of the nation; all whose interests were declared to be in a thriving state. The external condition of the country, excepting the war in India, was stated to be eminently peaceful and happy, and that the government continued to receive from all foreign powers, assurances of their unabated desire to preserve the general tranquillity. The principal inquiries recommended in it were, the state of Ireland; the evils arising from the religious associations of that distracted country; and the farther encouragement of trade, by the removal of inconvenient restrictions. The regular addresses. moved in the lords and commons, in answer to the speech from the throne. It was really difficult for the opposition members to find topics of censure against the ministry, so tranquil had been the state of the country, and so generally acceptable the conduct of the ministry. Still, to keep up the routine of opposition, the addresses were resisted. The chief topic of complaint was, the oppression of the catholics. Beside this fertile subject of angry debate, little could be found to object to, in the measures of the government. Mr. Brougham was, therefore, less hap

were

py than usual; and, in yielding his praise to the liberal policy of the ministry, undertook to claim their late acts, as the suggestion of the opposition. Mr. Canning replied with uncommon felicity, and poignancy of humor. In the course of his retort, he said :-

"As in the progress of his parliamentary life, the gentleman had proposed and supported every species and degree of innovation which could be practised in a settled government, it was not very easy for ministers to do any thing in the affair of South America, or any other, without seeming to borrow from the gentleman. In the reign of queen Anne, there was a sage and grave critic, of the name of Dennis, who got it into his head, that he wrote all the good plays that were acted at that time. At last a tragedy came forth, with a most imposing storm of hail and thunder. At the first peal, 'That's my thunder,' said Dennis. So with the learned gentleman; there was no noise or stir for the good of mankind in any part of the globe, but he instantly claimed it for his thunder."

At that time, indeed, the ministry had good reason to use a bold tone in their discussions with the minority; as the flourishing and tranquil condition of the kingdom, naturally reflected some credit on their management of affairs.

The principal manufactures were in full operation; agricultural distress no longer met the eye; money was abundant for all the purposes of trade, and overflowed in various speculations, which gave a temporary activity to the mercantile classes, although followed, in the sequel, by unexpected and ruinous pecuniary difficulties. The great subject of debate, in parliament, was the situation of Ireland, and, more especially, its catholic population, which had but partially recovered from its late disturbed and suffering state, entailed upon it by poverty, oppression, and improvidence. That afflicted island was now comparatively tranquil; and the catholic association, who claimed the merit of this, deemed it a favorable occasion, once more, to seek for the removal of the catholic disabilities, that stigma upon the principles of the English government. But the earliest important act of parliament, was aimed at the very existence of that association itself.

The catholic association was a body of Irishmen, chiefly catholics, voluntarily associated for the protection of the catholic population of Ireland; for promoting the great cause of their emancipation; and for redressing all grievances affecting the island. It levied sums of money from the catholics, to be used in these objects; and, at this period, became peculiarly obnox

ious to the notice of the government, by the energetic language used at its meetings. It began to act in 1823, and now embraced a numerous body of the Irish gentry and aristocracy. It pursued the parliamentary forms of proceeding; and its debates being public, it soon rose to be the rallying point of all the hopes of the Irish patriots; who remembering the time, when the interests of Ireland were protected in an Irish parliament, turned to this association with all that fondness, which men feel at the restoration of that, which has been to them lost for years. Among its members were some, probably, who, indignant at the wrongs of their country, overstepped the bounds of moderation in their tone, perhaps in their views; but the great bulk of them were men of pure characters and upright intentions. Foremost in name and talents, was Mr. Daniel O'Connel, a catholic barrister, of an ancient Irish family, who nobly sustained the cause of his religion and his country. Constituted in this manner, having complete organization throughout the island, and agents or correspondents in every district, it necessarily exercised a powerful influence over the feelings, if not the condition, of Ireland.

A bill was introduced by Mr. Goulburn, in the beginning of the session, declaring unlawful, all associations of this nature, which after

long debates, in each house, was finally passed by large majorities, and received the royal assent. It had the undivided support of the ministry; several of them, who were in favor of catholic emancipation, thinking, nevertheless, that the association ought not to exist. The catholic association yielded to the law without a struggle; but a new one was immediately formed, of a nature not to conflict with the statute. Whilst the new association was founded expressly upon the principle of not assuming to act for the redress of grievances, in church or state; nor assisting in the prosecution or defence of causes, still innocent objects enough remained, to occupy its attention. These were, the promotion of public order in Ireland; the encouragement of liberal systems of education; assisting in the erection of catholic churches; and disseminating works in vindication of the character, principles, and conduct of catholics.

The debates on this subject, were only preliminary to a much more serious effort, in behalf of the catholics. Their claims had been resisted, year after year; and the disorders, which Ireland was fated to undergo, instead of opening the eyes of the government, and of parliament, to the crying injustice of condemning five sixths of the population of that island, to political disqualification forever, seemed to have had the contrary effect. But the English

ministry now contained more liberai elements. Mr. Canning being known to be favorable to the cause of tolerance, and common sense, great reliance was placed upon his talents, his popularity, and his influence in the cabinet, and in parliament. The Irish catholics, therefore, and their friends, combined to make a deliberate and serious attempt, to gain admission to the rights of British subjects.

In order to render the measure of emancipation more palatable to the Orange party in Ireland, the question was brought forward in a new shape. Three resolutions were introduced in the house of commons; one, to remove the disabilities; another, to make provision for the clergy of the catholic church; and a third, to raise the qualifications of voters, so that the protestants need not be suddenly overwhelmed at elections, by the great majority of the catholics. The two latter measures, being entirely subsidiary to the first, and familiarly called the two wings, were abandoned, when the fate of that was ascertained, and therefore, we may confine our narrative to the history of the leading resolution.

It was offered in the house of commons, March 1st, by sir Francis Burdett, who had been selected by the catholic association, to bring forward their petition for relief. He moved the appointment of a committee, to consider the state of the

A bill was accordingly reported, which set forth, that certain laws existed, requiring all persons, previous to entering upon office, to declare their disbelief in transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, and the sacrifice of the mass; declaring that those declarations should no longer be exacted, as a qualification for office; and substituting in their place, an oath to support the act for the Hanoverian succession, and a disclaimer of all those doctrines, which had been imputed to the catholic church, that were incompatible with the Protestant succession to the English crown.

The bill contained

other provisions, for the better protection of the rights of the crown, as well as of the subject.

It was

read the first time, without debate; but underwent an animated discussion in the second reading. On this occasion, was witnessed the somewhat novel spectacle of an

amicable division of the ministry, upon a question of so much importance. Mr. Canning maintained the provisions of the bill in a most elaborate and finished speech, triumphantly defending the catholics, and indeed the cause of religious tolerance in all its bearings. On the other hand, his colleague, Mr. Peel, attacked the bill, with equal ardor, and with ingenuity, ill exerted, in behalf of tory and high church principles. The second reading was carried, by a majority of 268 to 241, and the hopes of the catholics were justly raised and excited, by the seemingly auspicious prospect, of their approaching emancipation.

But in the mean time, an incident occurred, which proved conclusively, that their reasonable expectations, were to be most unhappily disappointed. The Duke of York presented, in the house of lords, a petition of the dean and canons of Windsor, against catholic emancipation, as an occasion for expressing his sentiments on the subject. His principal argument

consisted in his construction of the coronation-oath, which, as he contended, prevented the concession. Stale and futile as this objection was, an objection which even lord Liverpool admitted, had no weight, it was gravely urged by the Duke of York, who, it is to be remembered, is heir presumptive of the