city officials is remote. It will probably never be big enough to be a real danger, and if it ever is, it probably will not be presented because of these aforesaid trial flights. Nevertheless, the manifestations of Mr. Shank and of Mr. Baker's administration, for in Cleveland other city officials rather than the mayor were probably primarily responsible for it, are symptoms of a disease that should be given timely treatment. Paternalism in government such as the socialists advocate, is something that we in America cannot too carefully avoid. It was because of it; because men in European countries did not have the right of sufficiently shaping their own course; because the government tried to do too much for them; that our forefathers came to this land. Almost every man one meets can refer to at least one ancestor who came to this country for just that reason. It is well to discountenance any trend in government that would make for the conditions which drove people from foreign countries to these shores in years gone by. The attraction the United States affords is not so much that of a land of unlimited resources as that of a land of unlimited opportunity. It is to be hoped that government will not turn back to a system that forbids opportunity and retards progress. STRIKE LIMITED Writer Says it is Perilous to be at Mercy of Single Element In an article printed in a recent issue of the Hibbert Journal and in part reproduced in the American Review of Reviews, Dr. Robert A. Duff points out fallacies concerning the right to resort to the strike and the lockout. Extracts from Dr. Duff's paper read as follows: "Even though my property is my own, I may not buy a war vessel with it, nor use it to bribe a magistrate, or procure a false witness, or to support a rebellion or a crime, or to erect houses contrary to the building regulations act, or to set up an obstruction on the highway or to print a libel, and what is true of property is equally true of life and working pow er. "A is at liberty to sell or refuse to sell food to Y. So are B, C and D, etc., but if A, B, C, D, etc., combine to refuse to sell food to Y, Y may justly ask the state to compel them, as their combination is in negation of his very existence. "Though each of us has liberty to walk along the street, if ten thousand of us agree to go in solid procession through the street, we may lawfully be forbidden to do so. Or, though each of us is at liberty to stand at a shop window or door, it does not follow that a thousand of us have the right at one and the same time. if anyone is at liberty to ring your bell, it is not intended that a thousand people should. In a meeting each man is at liberty to speak, but we are not at liberty to combine and all speak at once, else there would be no meeting. Or, "Those who carry on a particular service decide either that they will no longer carry it on, or that they will only carry it on under conditions for which they stipulate. The community must go without that service until they please or until their terms are granted. A claim of this nature is obviously little removed from taking society by the throat. It means that each section of our very complex industrial organization will be wholly within the control of any small body of men. "Should we begin to reconcile ourselves to the idea that the vital necessities of our national existence are at every moment at the mercy of what each section of the workers or the employers may think to be their rights or their due reward? Or is this a condition of things fraught with peril to the interests of all? Can any class enjoying unchecked power be trusted to be a fair and just judge in its own case?" Darrow and Haywood Connected Attorney on Trial Indicted for Bribery Formerly Two men of international repute figure prominently today in the labor world William D. Haywood and Clarence S. Darrow. Haywood is leading the Industrial Workers of the World in its fight to annex all production for the producers along lines of industrial autonomy, while Darrow is fighting for his liberty in Los Angeles against a bribery charge in connection with the trial of the McNamara brothers, who eventually pleaded guilty to blowing up the plant of the Los Angeles Times and destroying many lives. Now, while the McNamaras were American Federation of Labor men, and while the A. F. of L. high officials repudiate the acts of the McNamaras, Darrow, who was employed by A. F. of L. men and paid with money derived through an A. F. of L. effort. from organized labor, defended Haywood of the Industrial Workers of the World six years ago, when the latter was on trial for his life in Idaho. Haywood, then charged with the murder of former Governor Frank Steunenberg, of Idaho, but acquitted, did not become timid, as the result, but now leads the most militant of all the socialistic laboring people whose order, the Industrial Workers of the World, stands for demanding piece by piece until labor has everything, and whose western organ, the Industrial Worker, of Spokane, as recently as May 1. contained a laudation of the red flag. At a time when Haywood, free and strenuous, is the subject of a large, illustrated article in the June Metropol as of itan, and of another on the editorial December 30, 1905, Frank Steunenberg, former governor of Idaho, opened his front gate in Caldwell, Ida. A bomb, set off by the opening of the gate, ended his life. Six years before, when governor, Steunenberg had done his duty in connection with quelling labor disturbances in the Coeur d' Alene mining district in Idaho. re The crime was attributed to venge. Two men were arrested, one of them Harry Orchard. Through the work of James McPartland, a detective, and by a resort to religious influence, Orchard was brought to confess to twenty-six deliberate murders which he declared were all planned by the inner circle of the Western Federation of Miners, of which William D. Haywood was then secretary. According to Orchard, Haywood, Charles H. Moyer and George A. Pettibone planned the Steunenberg crime. The Independent, volume 60, page 536, March 1, 1906, ties up Vincent St. John to the stirring events of the times when it says: "About this time. (Feb. 20), Vincent St. John, former president of the local union at Telluride, was arrested in Idaho." The I. W. W. publishing bureau at Newcastle, Pa., is printing an article in pamphlet form, by Vincent St. John, President Roosevelt stigmatized some of the men awaiting trial for the Steunenberg outrage as types of "undesirable citizens" and, in the face of criticism, maintained that he had the right to do so on the basis of their general conduct and without reference to their guilt or innocence of the thing charged. Eugene V. Debs screamed that if a single one of "our comrades" be condemned: "Let that mark the date for the beginning of a great national strike." "Let our factories be closed," continued Debs. "Let our mills stop grinding flour and our coal mines close. and let us die of hunger and cold, if necessary." In commenting on the acquittal of Haywood, the Outlook, August 3, 1907, declares that the outcome was not surprising and that the public expected an acquittal or a disagreement and not a conviction because of lack of corroboration of Orchard's story, although that story was not importantlv shaken upon cross-examination. "The impassioned and emotional plea of Mr. Darrow, of Haywood's counsel," the Outlook says, "failed, we think, to convince either the jury or the country that the cause of the accused was the cause of organized labor." The Arena, for September, 1907, leans toward endorsing the verdict as righteous and a triumph for Haywood; discountenances Orchard absolutely and believes Orchard nursed a personal grievance against Steunenberg. The Outlook, Aug. 3, however, evidently does not think the defense established any personal animus on Orchard's part. What is Haywood doing and saying now? Why, on June 4 last, according to the Cleveland Press, editorial page, he said: "Syndicalism is just the simple, beautiful gospel of us folk who work for a living. Syndicalism is the power of all the people to act at one time to better their own condition. "Our terms," he also says, "will be an utter rejection of any bargain except that we receive all that we earn. * * * * In other words, we will do away with the wage system." To the Lawrence strikers Haywood said: "You have carried on a noble fight, but this is not the last fight. It is simply the first step in the progressive fight toward industrial freedom." Here is one of the songs of Haywood's followers, reproduced in the June Metropolitan : 'Tis the final conflict, Let each stand in his place. Shall be the human race. Another of the songs has it, as to the employers, that: All they want is gold and the blood and lives of the workers. All they want is gold and the lives and blood of the workers. "Who is this man Darrow?" is the interrogative title of an article inspired by Darrow's part in the Haywood trial, printed in Current Literature, August, 1907. This sketch says that the attorney calls himself a "Tolstoyan" and tries to carry out the teachings of the great Russian philosopher. Some authority is quoted for the belief that in Darrow is the making of a man of destiny. Darrow himself is quoted as saying he believes there is "no such thing as a crime in the way it is generally understood. I do not believe there is any sort of distinction between the real moral condition of the people in and out of jail." The publication carried a picture of Darrow as he looked five years ago and labeled it a picture of one of the attorneys for the defense in the Haywood case. Reasons Given for Labor's Unrest Views of W. D. Sayle, Employer; Max. S. Hayes, Socialist; and Elroy M. Avery, Student During the last two years a spirit of discontent, unrest and resentment among laboring men has been increasingly observable in the United States. It is something bigger and more to be feared than the chronic dissatisfaction that has always existed among labor, in part because of economic conditions and in part by reason of envy by the poor of the rich. It has reached a point where certain labor leaders are advocating and certain laborers are practicing violence and lawlessness, like that described by the English novelist, Charles Reade, in his "Put Yourself in His Place", sometime in the 60's; conditions heretofore supposed to have passed into the dark ages of the labor movement. The Industrial Workers of the World, in a pamphlet by Vincent St. John, entitled "The I. W. W., Its History, Structure and Methods", on page 17, first paragraph, endorses the sentiment that: "The question of 'right' or 'wrong' does not concern us." Though labor leaders repudiate the crime of the McNamara brothers, laborers on the street corner, in their homes, in saloons over their glasses of beer, everywhere they go, openly express their sympathy for the McNamaras and say they would like to see them at liberty. Anybody who mixes with workingmen knows this. Why this sympathy with crime, this widespread spirit of lawlessness abhorred by all right-feeling men and good citizens? For everything there is a cause. To get a little light on this most important subject, this paper has interviewed three men, each of whom by reason of his environment, views the situation from a different standpoint." These men all live in Cleveland, Ohio, where this magazine is published. They are, in the order of their interviews: Walter D. Sayle, president of the Cleveland Employers' Association; Max S. Hayes, editor, labor leader, socialist and Dr. Elroy M. Avery, educator and historian, who has studied the labor question and leans toward the side of the employes, but who has never, except as an arbitrator, mixed in person in any labor struggle. The interviews follow: BY WALTER D. SAYLE. "Wage earners are themselves responsible for the high cost of living. They are the ones who themselves create the demand that increases the price. At the same time, necessarily, their own wages go up. "The high cost of living follows the high cost of labor and the high cost of labor follows the high cost of living. "The two are team mates. Again, they chase themselves around in a circle until nobody knows which is ahead. "Exhaust every known argument: follow the matter to its final analysis; you cannot escape the conclusion; the obvious fact; that the producer is the consumer. "Seventy-five per cent of men are producers. They make with their hands the things men use. About 20 per cent are semi-producers; a percentage including the clerical class. About 5 per cent are non-producers. of comfortable income, whose wife and children make music a part of their daily life, it is a necessity. To the man of comfortable means an automobile is a luxury; to a man of large means, with many places to go quickly, and to whom time is of great value, it is a necessity; he cannot do without it. "The mistake that is commonly made and which is responsible for the high cost of living is that the poor man regards a piano as a necessity and the man of average means thinks an automobile is a necessity. "This viewpoint applied to many lines of production leads to a general demand that inflates prices; but it will not do to forget that it also inflates the prices of labor. "I would as soon pay every man in my employ ten dollars a day as one dollar a day, if other prices were graded to meet the higher wage; but what is the use, if the man's needs are met on the dollar a day basis? "When one remembers that the producer is receiving a high wage, it becomes apparent that he has no just cause of complaint, even though prices are high. He is dissatisfied and unrestful for the same reason that Theodore Roosevelt wanted to take the presidency away from William H. Taft; somebody else has got something he wants. "Employers, with, of course, a few exceptions, are mindful of the duty they owe those on their payrolls. The sanitary conditions in the shops and factories in which men work are for the most part far above those in the workingmen's homes. Proper facilities for work are provided. The average employer recognizes the claim of the employe for a recreational side. of life. The Saturday half holiday, especially in summer, is very generally observed and that, by the way, is an added increase to the cost of living. "No; the workingmen have no cause for complaint, nor occasion for unrest. They themselves have the key to the situation. Let them discriminate between necessities and luxuries, grade their expenditures accordingly, and there need be no high cost of living. They are alike, the consumers and the producers, and they can regulate the cost." BY MAX S. HAYES. "It is true that in the last two years an unrest among laboring people has been manifested to a greater degree than I have ever noticed before. It is accompanied by a bitter spirit, which nobody regrets more than do I, whose life for years has been devoted to trying to induce working |