as a matter of principle, and reason and common sense tells me that no human power can have a right over me in a case of conscience. I may be in error-so may all the different religious sects in certain parts of their belief, but heaven forbid, that any man or body of men shall have power to declare what others shall believe! or interfere in what is an affair between them and their God."

ther than aristocratic; 2d, that the people have the abso lute control of the operations of the bank, as well as of the treasury of the United States, by their representatives in congress, and in the executive department of the general government, and, therefore, that they have a sovereign remedy against this, and all other dangers to their liberties, in the RIGHT TO CHOOSE THEIR REPRESENTATIVES. And for my part, if this right is exercisNow, the first of these cases, which involves merely ed with sound discretion, in selecting the wisest and a matter of opinion with you, involves matter of fun- best men to represent them, in the several branches of damental principles with me, which proceed thus-the government, I cannot conceive that the liberties 1st, From my conviction of the necessity of "self go- of the country are any more endangered by the incorvernment," by the people, to the liberty and happi-poration of the bank of the United States, than they ness of mankind-This is a political principle, and are by the act which incorporates the "Columbian fundamental to democracy-2d, From the conviction, college" or by the establishment of the federal go that, by the oath to support the constitution, I should vernment. be bound to do it by supporting the government of the union in the most easy and effectual means I could think of, that was not prohibited by the constitution, nor, inconsistent with any of its provisions. This is a moral principle, and fundamental to the oath of office.

Permit me now to ask whether the terms "brute force" and "the bayonet," were not rather unnecessarily and gratuitously introduced into the argument between us? I am not entirely unacquainted with the nature of the former, nor with the use of the latter. But neither of them are necessary to the advoIn regard to the first of those principles, I reason cates of the right of persuasive instruction on one hand, thus-self government," as well as all other sorts of or to the right of mental resistance to arbitrary instrucgovernment, requires means to assert and maintain it; tion on the other; and although it is admitted that they and one of the most necessary and effectual means to are strong, and perhaps not inelegant figures in rhemaintain any government, is money. Now, with re- torie, and that the quality and things spoken of, would spect to money, as the means of supporting govern-be convenient and powerful means and instruments to ments, either in peace or in war, there are two things to be mainly considered by legislators: 1st. The best means of raising a sufficient supply for the purposes of government: 2d, The most effectual means of maintaining its value at a circulating medium. With the first of these considerations I have but little to do at present, although it is easy to shew that the United States bank is a great and valuable auxiliary to the government in that respect. But a slight notice of the 2d may be necessary to the development of my principles of political economy and safety and morality in the case.

those who would manually enforce the controverted
right of arbitrary instruction-yet the use of those
terms, in the amicable discussion of that right between
us, has to me a most unfeignedly grievous appearance
of irritation or displeasure, on your part-and I must
beg to conclude this letter, with the most solemn as-
surance, that it has ever been far, very far, from my
intention to wantonly provoke either, in any thing
I have ever addressed to you, either personally, or as
the "editor" of a paper-for I ever have been, as I
am now, with the greatest respect and esteem for
your personal and professional character,

A FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN.
REMARKS ON THE PRECEDING.

The experience we have had in two wars, of the DEPRECIATION of "continental" and "treasury notes," without "United States banks," and of the effects I have not leisure just now to offer the "rejoinder" produced by the operations of those banks, upon the which my unknown correspondent is prepared to reruined and ruinous states of things in the financial ceive so kindly-but when I shall take up the subject, system of the country, after each of those wars, most that courtesy which he hath extended to me shall clearly demonstrate to me, their immense superiority be returned. I freely acknowledge myself much inas the means of restoring and maintaining the medi- debted for the light which he has shed on several um value of money, or of its more convenient paper points discussed, and think that his essays will be of representative, in all parts of its circulation. Now I much service to others, seeking after political truthconsider the right of incorporation, as a means of self-but yet am not convinced that the distinction which government, to be clearly and necessarily derived I attempted to shew as existing between matters of from the same source as the right of self-government; opinion and matters of principle, ought not have rule and seeing that it is not expressly prohibited by the over the relations which are naturally and constituconstitution, nor contrary, in my opinion, to any of tionally established, (in my opinion), between repreits positive provisions, I consider the act of incorpo- sentatives and constituents. ration, (as being one of the best means of supporting the general government), to be enjoined by the oath to support the constitution. Hence,I should solemnly reject the right of arbitrary instruction against the incorporation of the bank, for the same reason that you would reject it, (as seen in your 2d case), if given in favor of the incorporation! and hence it is still clear to me, that the right of arbitrary instruction is, in itself, wrong.

But as to the bank of the United States, we are fairly at issue. That institution was referred to only by way of shewing what I thought might be a matter of opinion or a matter of principle-and I, by no means, intended to bring about a general discussion of the constitutionality or expediency of its establishment. It will be time enough for this, perhaps, a year or two before its charter shall expire, in 1886-when, if, we both live, we may have an argument as to the posiBut I have heard it said that this bank is "a great tions which my friend has assumed. For the present, monied aristocracy," and that its existence is dan- it is sufficient to express an opinion that neither of gerous to the libertjes of the people! So it may be those points are tenable. I do not believe that the said that the immense territorial property, which con-power of granting monopolies is vested in congressstitutes the national domain, is a great "landed aris-that the bank would have had ability, (if in operatocracy," and that the proceeds of the sales thereof tion), to have equalized the currency during the late are dangerous to the liberties of the people, in the war, or that the people have any other than a relative treasury of the United States!" But it should be re-interest in, or control over, the management of its collected-1st, that the right to the public property, affairs-nor ought they, for it is a private corporation, in bank stock as well as in land, is common to the nearly independent of congress during the period of great body of the people, and, therefore, that the cha- its charter, and out of the reach of the government, exracteristics of the one and the other are democratic ra- icept in the appointment of one fifth of its directors. I

cannot imagine how it has been thought that the peo- and for the still more flattering manner in which ple have as "absolute control" over the affairs of this has been received by this numerous and respectable bank as over the treasury of the U. S. "through their assembly. A compliment, I assure you, as unexpect representatives in congress-for the unanimous vote ed as it is unmerited by me. of both houses of congress cannot revoke the char-ous in my endeavors, however humble, to promote ter, or declare what manner of business it shall do the great cause of internal improvements, I will not That I have been realor leave undone, what money shall go into or pass out pretend to deny. Regarding it as I did, a cause in of its vaults-all which I presume they may decide which, not only my immediate constituents had a deep upon as to the treasury. I feel no sort of hostility to and vital interest, but as one in which the good and the present administration of the bank-I believe glory of my country was concerned, I could not be that its affairs are well managed, and that its mighty be zealous. means are not used for political purposes; but still, But, gentlemen, when your partiality carries you so the investment of such mighty means in the hands of far as to give me credit for ability as well as seal in persons unknown and irresponsible to the people, is ex-the discharge of my public duties, candor, on my part, ceedingly dangerous, and ought never to have been requires me to say, that you gave me credit for more allowed. It is my belief that the crippling which this than I have any just right to claim. bank received, though so severe on many honest individuals, was one of the happiest things for the nation that could have taken place at the time. But it is not necessary to enlarge on this subject. Sufficient for its day will be the evil thereof.

I would have left out the last papagraph except for its amiable exhortation to courtesy in argument, &c. because that the writer has wholly misapplied the words to which he excepts, or I myself am under some great mistake as to the reading of them. The passage containing them run thus-"It may sometimes be "difficult to draw the line between opinions and prin"ciples, but the settlement of it may be safely trust "ed where it is, in the hands of the people, by virtue "of the ballot; which has in it a power that would laugh an appeal to the bayonet to scorn. And it al"ways will be so, until brute-force has subjugated "the dominion of reason."

honor of having first proposed, in congress, "the des You have also been so kind as to attribute to me the sign of uniting the eastern and western waters by the Chesapeake and Ohio canal." Though I was the sure you, the honor was at that time by no means eLfirst to bring this subject before congress, yet, I as viable, though I asked but $10,000 to make the neces sary surveys; yet so general was the impression, that the project was utterly impracticable, that when the vote was taken, I found myself in a very lean minority: to increase my mortification, on my return home, I found the same unfavorable sentiments entertained by many of those who I had the honor to represent. Stimulated rather than discouraged by opposition, I determined to have the necessary surveys made upon my own responsibility. This determination I made known to Mr. James Shriver, who I found occupied This, surely, had, or, at least, was not meant to have, with a promptitude and patriotic zeal that did him in selecting materials on the subject, who, at once, any point or bearing upon, or connection with, the the greatest honor, undertook the task, and in a short "amicable discussions between. have been rude, in the extreme, nus"-and it would time, with a party of public spirited young men, who with reference to arguments so respectfully sub-mit level, where Mr. Shriver remained for a consito have used them joined us in the expedition, we repaired to the summmitted to the public consideration. The terms had derable part of the season, in the midst of hills and regard only to a proposition of my own-and one, mountains which no human foot before had, perhaps, indeed, that was not in controversy; for the "Fede- ever trod, until he collected the materials for the ral Democratic Republican" had most ably recomwork, which he has since published. And this work, it mended the discretion of the people to be exerted by is but justice to say, gave the first great impulse to this "virtue of the ballot"-and it was on that discretion movement. It was the result of these surveys, which I was disposed to rely, with an assurance that it would meet the emergency of my own case presented, until "brute-force should subjugate the dominion of reason," by destroying the "virtue of the ballot."

My correspondent will please to accept my thanks for the manner in which he has conducted his argu ment, with an invitation to communicate further with me when his leisure will permit it.

Chesapeake, and Ohio Canal.

Mr. Shriver exhibited in person at the canal convention at Washington city, that removed all doubt as to the practicability of this work. During the next ses propriated. and a board, composed of the most able and accomplished engineers, in this, or perhaps any sion of congress, thirty thousand dollars were ap other country, assisted by several brigades of topographical engineers, many of whom, I have the pleasure to see present on this occasion, gave the whole route a thorough examination, and their report demoncould be accomplished, at an expense, small comstrated not only that it was practicable, but that it pared with the magnitude and utility of the work During the last session a bill was passed appropriating $10,000 to continue the surveys, to which, in the house of representatives, there was not a word of op position. Also, another act was passed, with the unc nimous assent of sixteen states, and but thirty-four ne Our guest from Fayette, the hon. A. Stewart. The Maryland, incorporating companies to prosecute the zealous and able advocate of internal improvement. work to the Pennsylvania line, under which mine gative votes, confirmatory of the laws of Virginia and The first to propose in congress the design of con-commisioners have recently

The 4th of July was celebrated on Clay Island, in the Yohogany river, by the brigade of engineers under charge of James Shriver, esq. to survey the route of the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, and the neighboring citizens of Smithfield, &c. It was a large party, and the affair was conducted in a very handsome style. The toasts also were good, and highly appropriate. One of them was-

necting the east and the west by the Chesapeake and this object into effect. Teen appointed to carry

Ohio canal. Ile merits and has our warmest thanks. outline of the origin and progress of the work thus
This toast was received by the company with much far. As to the future, it is not for me to speak.
gentlemen, is a brief
warmth of feeling; and accordingly Mr. Stewart rose Eut, gentlemen, if we look to the unexampled rapi-
to make suitable acknowledgments, and delivered dity with which this work has gained upon the public
the following address:
Mr. President and gentlemen: I would do violence to vocal expressions of national feeling in its favor, to
confidence-if we look to these strong and unequi
my own feelings, as well as injustice to you, were I which I have adverted-if we look to the general and
not to express my grateful-my sincerc acknowledg- diffusive nature of its benefits-its connection with
ments for the flattering compliment you have paid me, i the seat of the national government, uniting, by a

route," but the only gentleman of the Pennsylvania board of any experience, pronounces this route, in his report, to be "utterly impracticable," without a tunnel of seven miles, at a depth of near 900 feet under ground.

canal of less than 320 miles, streams whose waters, furnishing three times the quantity of water required wash the shores of a majority of all the states in the at the summit, with a tunnel of only 12 miles; while, union; opening a direct communication through the with respect to the Juniatta route, not only the Unitvery heart of the republic, connecting the Atlantic ed States engineers express strong doubts whether seaboard with the boundless valley of the Mississip-"nature has furnished the possibility of a canal by that pi: In short, if we advert to the peaceful and prosperous situation of our country; the abundance and cheapness of labor, and especially the flourishing condition of our national financés, affording an annual surplus of more than thirteen millions beyond the ordinary expenditures of the government, applicable to the national debt and internal improvements, un der favor, also, of an administration, pledged in its outset to the great cause of internal improvements, I think it may be safely affirmed, that, with such prospects before us, we have every thing to hope, and nothing to fear.

But it has been suggested that Pennsylvania, under

nearest,

the influence of a contracted, illiberal and suicidal po- a century to come. If then, this rou accom

But there is a fourth consideration, which, with Pennsylvania ought to be conclusive. This connexion through the state will be made at the expense of the union, while the other, (were it practicable), must be accomplished at the exclusive expense of Pennsylvania, leading to a system of heavy and oppressive taxation, or creating a debt which will rest like an incubus upon the commonwealth, for, perhaps, licy, will refuse her consent to this measure, and thus even from Philadelphia to Pittsburg; if i embarrass, if not defeat, the accomplishment of this modate more than double the population in Pennsylgrand national design. The suggestion is a slander.vania; if it is decidedly the most practicable, and if it Pennsylvania, the second state of our confederacy, is to be accomplished without any expense to Pennsylcan never prove so faithless to herself and to the na- vania, making her territory the great highway for the tion. What state in the union has so deep, so vital immense commerce between the Atlantic and western an interest in the success of this measure as Pennsyl-states, through a canal, in every point of view, more vania? This canal, commencing in Washington city magnificent and important than that of New York; and terminating at the lakes, will pass for more than can Pennsylvania with such facts before her, doubt 250 miles through Pennsylvania, thus making her ter- as to the course she ought to pursue? Ought she not ritory the great theatre of one of the most splendid to be the first and foremost advocate of this measure works ever erected by the art or ingenuity of man." -but if this great national design, this great bond of Not only conferring wealth upon her people, by the union between the east and west, did not touch the immediate expenditure of millions of money among territory of Pennsylvania-if she had but a common them, but securing to her benefits and blessings interest in its success, would it comport with the which will descend to her latest posterity; making character of the great and patriotic state of Pennsylher the grand thoroughfare for all the rich, unbound-vania, yielding to an illiberal and contracted policy, ing and fertilizing commerce moving through this to oppose the execution of a work, which must, not connection between the Atlantic and western states: only confer the most lasting benefits on our country, and is it to be supposed that Pennsylvania is weak or but stand an eternal monument to the honor and glory wicked enough to reject such a boon, freely offered to of the republic. her acceptance by the rest of the union? Such a Let other nations boast of their palaces, their pysuspicion cannot be indulged. Where is the traitor ramids and splendid piles, erected at the people's politician who would thus sacrifice the best interests of the state at the shrine of a mean, illiberal and and perverse policy? For, should the general government be thus expelled from our territory to a more southern connexion, what must be the consequence? With a national canal passing round us on the south, and the New York canal on the north, Pennsylvania would be left without a market and without commerce, to wither and decline.

expense, to pamper the pride or perpetuate the power of some pageant monarch, or proud usurper. Yet be it our pride to expend the people's money for the people's benefit, in building up proud and permanent, and glorious monuments of internal improvement, alike useful in peace and in war: uniting the distant parts of this extended, and extending republic, to which our children's children may look, in after times, and bless and praise the wisdom and munificence of their ancestors.

But it is said that Pennsylvania intends uniting the castern and western waters by the Juniatta and Cone- And when was there a period in our history more maugh. If the state is examined from the one extreme auspicious to the commencement of the great work to the other, I venture to aflirm, no point of connex-of internal improvement than the present? At peace ion will be found throughout her territory so eligible as that chosen by the United States.

with all the world; unconnected with Europe, and strangers to the storms which disturb her repose: By referring to the reports and recent surveys, it unique in our situation, abundant in resources, the will be found that, by connecting the Susquehannah and freest government on earth, and a country embracing Potomac, through the Canadoguinit and Conogo-in its wide domain every variety of climate and of cheague creeks, which can be easily accomplished, soil, intersected every where by vast mountains, lakes the distance from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh will be and rivers, extending their arms from the east to the less than by the route of the Juniatta and Conemaugh. west, and from the west to the east, as if to clasp And by a glance at the map, it will also appear that each other, and imploring, as it were, the aid of indusfrom Harrisburg, the point of divergence, the route try and art to unite them in the sacred bonds of a by the Potomac and Yohogany will pass through coun- perpetual union, making them the fruitful sources of ties in Pennsylvania with a population, according to wealth-of intercourse of harmony and love, to the the census of 1820, of 157,043, (exclusive of Alle-boundless millions that repose upon their border, ghaney and Westmoreland),sending sixteen represen-awakening, by their plastic touch, to new activity and tatives to the state legislature; while the counties on life, every branch of industry, agriculture, manufacthe route, from the same point by the Juniatta and Co-tures and commerce; opening every where new and nemaugh, have but 70,797 of a population, and only seven representatives; yet the latter is called the Pennsylvania route!

A still more important consideration in favor of this route, is, that it has been ascertained to be perfectly Practicable, at comparatively a moderate expense,

abundant sources of wealth, which must, otherwise, forever remain dormant and unknown.

If internal improvements have decorated and adorned, and enriched other countries, why shall they not ours? What country under heaven presents such advantagea or such incements? If the trave!

sented.

the s

ler in Europe, be every where delighted on his jour-[have daily encountered, in the course of my visit to
ney, by magnificent roads and splendid canals, shall
he come here to be disappointed? Shall this proud
republic lag behind the monarchies of Europe in im-
proving its own condition; in conferring benefits and
blessings on its people? Or should the time come,
(which God forbid), when this happy government,
sharing the fate of former republics, shall fall beneath
the power of some successful Cæsar, shall it be per-
mitted to the proud usurper, looking abroad over the
desolated land, to ask in triumph the fallen friends of
liberty, where are the benefits left by your boasted
republic? Where the foot-steps of its power,
monuments of its glory? Where the remains of any
of the boasted blessings which it has conferred upon
the people-none-none. Nothing left by which the
republic is to be remembered or regretted-nothing
to recall to recollection the happy days gone by-
nothing to rekindle the sacred love of liberty in the
bosoms of her votaries-nothing to call forth the
tear of regret for its fall. No, gentlemen, this must
not, cannot be-Let us advance in the goodly work in
which we are engaged; let us fill the land with these
evidences of republican wisdom, and republican
magnificence. These will be found our best security
in times of danger--they will be found the most ef-
fectual means of counteracting the sad vicissitude to
which I have adverted.

the Creek nation, has deprived me of the pleasure of
writing to your excellency as often or as fully as t
have been desirous of doing. I have now the honor,
without entering into detail, that could afford but lit
tle interest, to communicate to you the result of my
conferences with the Indians. After meeting in this
state the chiefs of the McIntosh party, and at Broken
Arrow those of the opposite party, and hearing their
respective statements, with the evidence for and
against each party, I have urged them to an adjust
ment of differences; to which they have mutually as
The McIntosh party demanded retaliation for their
fallen chiefs, with the immediate restoration of pro
perty taken or destroyed: their demands were found-
ed on the 8th article of the treaty of February last,
which promises, on our part, protection to "their emi-
grating party" against the whites and all others;
which party, they, (the followers of gen. McIntosh)
assume themselves exclusively to be. Whether this
provision of the treaty was or was not intended to
protect the Creek Indians against themselves, or to
protect a comparatively small part of them against
the main body of the nation, were questions which
was happily not called upon to decide: as in the
event of hostilities having subsided, my instructions
simply required me to make peace upon just princi-
But I perceive I am getting into a boundless field-ples, and to require the complainants as well as the
I have already trespassed too long on your attention, opposing party, to abstain from acts of retaliation.or
permit me to repeat my obligations, my grateful ac- violence.
knowledgments for this manifestation of your confi-
dence and kindness, and believe me, gentlemen, (for
I speak in the sincerity of my heart), when I say that
if I could even for a moment indulge the pleasing
dream that my humble and unimportant name should
ever be associated with any thing connected with
the good and glory of my country, I would not desire
for it a more exalted niche in the temple of fame,
than that in which your kindness has this day been
pleased to place it.*

Affairs of the Creeks.

FROM THE GEORGIA PATRIOT.

The reputed hostile party, consists of all the prin cipal chiefs, and of nearly forty-nine fiftieths of the whole of the chiefs, head men, and warriors, of the nation-among whom I recognize many who were in our service during the late war, and who, to my certain knowledge, have been for twenty years past, (and I think they have been at all times), as friendly to the United States as any of our Indian neighbors could have been known to be. I met them at Broken Arrow, the usual place of holding the great council of the nation.

I could not, therefore, but view this supposed hostile party as in fact and in truth the Creek nation, and altogether free of the spirit of hostility ascribed to We hasten to lay the following official let-them-I have received from them in council assemters before the public, as containing the first and only bled, the most deliberate assurances of their deter authentic information in regard to the Creeks, they mination to be peaceable and friendly towards their have yet been in possession of. A correct opinion absent people, as well as towards the United States will now be formed, not only of affairs in the Indian nation, but also of certain warlike preparations in This state. The public can judge for themselves: we forbear making any remarks.

To the editors of the Georgia Patriot.

They regretted the necessity which they conter existed for the strong measures they adopted against gen. McIntosh and others, who they affirm forfeited and lost their lives by having violated a well known law of the nation. They have engaged to restore all HEAD QUARTERS, EASTERN DEPARTMENT, property taken, and to pay for all that has been deMonticello, Ga. July 17th, 1825. stroyed contrary to law-and they have promised to GENTLEMEN-Capt. Triplett will hand to you a copy allow a reasonable time for those who have borrowof major Gen. Gaines' letter to gov. Troup, of the 10th ed and run off with money out of their national treainst. which the general requests you to insert in your sury, to reimburse the same. The council strongly paper. The object of giving publicity to this letter,and unanimously objected to the late treaty, as the at this time, is to counteract certain false and infamous offspring of fraud, entered into contrary to the known reports concerning the adjustment of Indian difficulties, calculated to deceive the public and aggravate the misfortunes of those helpless and deluded beings, who evince a disposition to reunite their destiny, and to comply with the wishes of the general government. Very respectfully, your ob't serv't,

law and determined will of the nation, and by per sons not authorized to treat. They refuse to receive any part of the consideration money due under the treaty, or to give any other evidence of their acquiescence in it. In conclusion, they expressed a hope that their white friends would pity their deplorable condition, and would do them the justice to reconsider and "undo that which has been wrongfully HEAD QUARTERS, EASTERN DEPARTMENT, done." I have, pursuant to my instructions from the Flint River, July 10th, 1825. department of war, endeavored to convince the coun SIR-The excessive heat of the weather, added to cil, bat without success, of the fallacy of their obthe many inconveniences and interruptions which Ijections to the treaty; and to dissipate their delusive

E. G. W. BUTLER, aid de camp.

*Mr. S. here pointed to his name, which appeared suspended with a number of others, from the boughs of the trees over the temple of liberty.

hopes that it can ever be annulled; I have assured them, that, in all our treaties with the powers of Europe, as well as with nearly fifty Indian nations, there has not been one instance, to my knowledge, of a

Finally, the provinces of Rio de la Plata are incorporated into a national compact. The general congress, well advised of the situation of each of them, has taken proper steps, sanctioned the fundamental law, which will soon be laid before you. You will see, gentlemen, the same spirit shining within it, as in those laws which you enacted on the 13th of November, 1824. Experience has shown that they are the most suitable to guarantee a union which could not be anticipated but by the sanction of a law.

treaty having been revoked or annulled, after being The liberating army of Peru has dissolved all the duly ratified; except by the free consent of all the materials of Spanish power consolidated in the heart parties to it, or by war. I yesterday met in council, of the Andes, and dissipated their illusions. The near Joseph Marshall's ferry, the chiefs of the McIn-independence of the American continent is no longer tosh party, and communicated to them the proposition disputed, The act, by which Great Britain has just of the council at Broken Arrow, to which they have recognized it, is another memorable event; because acceded. They promised to return to their homes it shows the triumph of the principles which estabas soon as they are advised of the arrival of the Unit-lish the legitimacy of our rights against the overbeared States' troops, ordered from Louisiana and Pensa-ing alliance of the ancient aristocracy of Europe. cola, to the Creek agency at Chattahoochee. The chiefs of both parties have distinctly and solemnly assured me, that they will remain at peace with each other; and that they will, in no case, raise an arm against the citizens of the United States. Under these circumstances, it is my duty to notify your excellency, that there will be no occasion for calling into service any part of the militia or volunteers of the state over which you preside. The certificate of which I enclose herewith a copy, marked A, added to the declarations of the chiefs in council, of whom Joseph The governor has provided from the treasury of Marshall was the principal interpreter, prove that the province for the expenses of defence and national your excellency has been greatly deceived in sup-organization, in the manner which will be presented posing that the McIntosh party ever consented to the to you. He hopes to meet your approbation; because survey of the ceded territory being commenced be- it has been done conformably to your express wishes. fore the time set forth in the treaty for their removal, But he would have wished to avoid the necessity of This fact, giving altogether a new aspect to the sub-Eating upon himself the discretionary charge of the ject of the proposed survey of the land, added to a executive power, in order not to expose himself to strong conviction on my mind, that the attempt to the danger of fostering prejudices which can be cured" make the surveys would be a positive violation of the only by time and a progressive civilization. treaty, and will, under existing causes of excitement, be certain to produce acts of violence upon the perThe congress will no doubt hasten to remove this sons or property of unoffending Indians, who we are pretext of discontent, and the province will then conbound to protect, it becomes my duty to remonstrate fine itself to giving salutary examples of generous against the surveys being commenced

dians shall have removed agreeably til the In-devotedness to their country's cause, and of unweari

treaty.

EDMUND P. GAINES,
Maj. gen. commanding.

ed attention to the amelioration of her institutions.

I cannot doubt that the facts disclosed by the accom- Population and capital from all parts are encouraged. panying certificate, with the concurrent testimony The increasing prosperity of our commerce, the acof the chiefs in council, will induce your excellency, tivity of our industry, and the general welfare of our without hesitation, to abandon the project of survey- laboring population, will make the principles of our ing the land before the month of September, 1826. government every day more dear to us, as they will This will be particularly gratifying to me, as it will introduce into the less favored classes of society, that relieve me of the painful duty of acting not in concert good feeling, that instinct of liberty and order, which with the venerated authorities of an enlightened and disconcerts and derides the machinations of the ampatriotic member of the United States, to whom Ibitious. The ignorance of the people has always stand pledged by every principle of honor, and un- been their principal resource. To destroy this, you der the solemnity of an oath to serve them honestly ordered the establishment of a considerable number and faithfully.. of elementary schools in the city and country. It has (Signed), been done; but the state and progress of those which were confided to the benevolent society, have answered all hopes and will serve as a model and an incentive. The colleges have this year undergone some improvement. Exertions have been made to repress the spirit of insubordination, which the examples of lawMade to We certify, that we accompanied the express from lessness, during a long period of revolution and diorgovernor Troup to general McIntosh, conveying the der, always disseminate. Youth, unaccustomed to any request that he would allow the survey of the land feelings of respect, will form men incapable of being acquired by the treaty at the Indian Springs, to be im-free, of governing, or being governed, but by terror mediately commenced. General McIntosh replied and violence. The university wants a constitution, that he could not grant the request, but would call which, giving it an existence worthy of its object, the chiefs together and lay it before them-which would offer a security that the sacrifices made for the establishment and preservation of classical instruction were productive. This matter is on the point of being concluded.

A true coppy,

E. G. W. BUTLER, aid de camp.
To his ex. G. M. Troup, governor of Georgia.

was never done.

Signed,

CERTIFICATE.

WILLIAM EDWARDS,
JOSEPH MARSHALL.

At Portess's, Upson county, July, 9th, 1825.
I certify that this is a correct copy of the original
certificate, signed in my presence, and now in my
possession. E. G. W. BUTLER, aid de camp.

Congress of Buenos Ayres.
JOURNAL.]

[TRANSLATED FOR THE FREEMAN'S
Message of the governor of Buenos Ayres to the fifth
congress.

GENTLEMEN-Great events have transpired during the period of your recess. On assembling again according to law and custom, you witness the reality of what you were anxiously expecting the past year.

The frequency of crimes, and especially in the country, is a palpable proof of the insufficiency of the existing law, and of the inconvenience of the actual. form of proceeding. A form of law will be presented immediately to correct these evils, which ought not any longer to exist in the country. A committee is occupied on a mercantile code, and their labors will be presented to you this session. In order to establish the security of landed property, it has been necessary to define exactly the boundaries of each estate, by extricating them from the uncertainty in which they have hitherto been involved, destitute of the safeguards which alone are capable of affording a knowledge of lands in this country, level as the