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plied with, base though they may have been, in order to obtain his favour. In every country, and in all ages of the world, those have been met with who would readily imbrue their hands in the blood of their fellow man in order to gain the favour of their superior, utterly setting aside the rights of humanity, and disregarding the laws of Heaven. Such an one was Ariæus. Upon the receipt of this letter, he desired Tissaphernes to come to him, that they might confer about the operations of the ensuing campaign. Tissaphernes went with a guard of 300 men; but while he was bathing, according to the Persian custom, he was seized, and disarmed, and put into the hands of Tithraustes, who caused his head to be struck off, and sent into Persia. It was given, says Xenophon, by the king to Parysatis, an acceptable present to one of her revengeful temper. Well has it been said of revenge, that it sits like poison upon the stomach: it swells and convulses nature, and there is no good health to be expected till it is conquered and expelled.

This dark deed of Artaxerxes seems to have been considered by ancient writers as a retributive act of justice; and it is certain that Tissaphernes looked upon probity and honour as empty names; that he made a jest of the most sacred oaths; and believed the whole ability and policy of a statesman consisted in knowing how to deceive others by hypocrisy, fraud, perfidy, and perjury. The fact is, in these dark ages of the world, there was no bond of union betwixt man and man. All had strayed into the paths of error, and none of the rulers of the earth sought after that light from heaven which could alone guide them into the paths of truth. It remained for revealed religion in the gospel of the Redeemer mildly beaming on the heart of man, to teach the world true honour, humanity, and justice.

As a reward for the execution of the command of Artaxerxes, Tithraustes was appointed to succeed Tissaphernes. His first act was, to send presents to Agesilaus, telling him that the cause of the war being removed, nothing could prevent an accommodation; and that Artaxerxes would allow the Greek cities in Asia to enjoy their liberty, paying him the customary tribute, which was all that the Lacedæmonians requiredwhen they first commenced the war. Agesilaus replied, that he could do nothing without orders from Sparta. As he was willing, however, to give Tithraustes the satisfaction of freedom from danger, he removed out of his province, and marched into Phrygia, Tithraustes defraying the charges of his march. On his way thither, Agesilaus received a letter from the magistrates of Sparta, giving him the command of the fleet, as well as of the land forces; by which new commission he became sole commander of all the troops in Asia. This drew him down to the sea-coast, where he put the fleet in order, and appointed Pisander admiral, ordering him forthwith to stand out to sea.

Having settled the maritime affairs, Agesilaus renewed his design of invading Phrygia. He spoiled the country, and from thence marched by the invitation of Spithridates, a noble Persian, into Paphlagonia. He concluded a league with Cotys. king of that country, and returning into Phrygia, took the strong city of Dascylium, and wintered in the palace of Pharnabazus, obliging

the surrounding countries to supply his army with provisions.

Tithraustes, finding that Agesilaus was for carrying on the war in Asia, sent Timocrates of Rhodes into Greece, with large sums of money, to corrupt the leading men in their cities, to rekindle a war against the Lacedæmonians. Gold, which is at all times a powerful incentive to good or evil, had in this case the desired effect. The cities of Thebes, Argos, Corinth, and others, entered into a confederacy, and war raged again among these unhappy states, B.C. 395.

In the beginning of the next spring, Agesilaus, who had already made the provinces of Upper Asia tremble at his name, formed the design of attacking the king of Persia in the heart of his dominions. As he was upon the point of putting his designs into execution, the Spartan Epicydidas arrived to let him know that Sparta was threatened with a furious war, and that the Ephori recalled him for the defence of his country. Agesilaus obeyed the summons, thereby demonstrating the truth of what was said, "That at Sparta the laws ruled men, and not men the laws." On his departure, he said, “That 30,000 of the king's archers drove him out of Asia," alluding to a species of Persian coin, the Daric, which had on one side the figure of an archer, and which had been dispersed to that number in Greece, to corrupt the leading men in the other states. It was by these acts of deceitful and deceiving policy that the Greeks were led onward to ruin. The poet has well said:

"Unless corruption first deject the pride

And guardiau vigour of the free-born soul,
All crude attempts of violence are vain :
For firm within, and while at heart untouch'd,
Ne'er yet by force was freedom overcome.
But soon as independence stoops the head,
To vice enslaved, and vice-creating wants,
Then to some foul corrupting band, whose waste
These heightened wants with fatal bounty feeds,
From man to man the slackening ruin runs
Till the whole state, unnerved, in slavery sinks."

On his return from the Persian court, Conon, having brought money to pay the soldiers and mariners their arrears, and to supply the fleet with arms and provisions, took Pharnabazus on board, and sailed in quest of the enemy. The Persian fleet consisted of nearly 100 vessels; that of the Lacedæmonians was not so numerous. They met with each other near Cnidas, a maritime city of Asia Minor. Conon, who had in some measure occasioned the capture of Athens, by losing the sea-fight at Ægospotamos,


"The Goat's River," determined to make an effort to regain his lost honours. On the other hand, Pisander was desirous of justifying by his conduct and valour the choice which Agesilaus, his brother-in-law, had made in appointing him admiral. The struggle was a severe one; but Conon having boarded Pisander's own vessel, slew him, when the rest of the fleet sought refuge in flight. Conon pursued them, and took fifty of their ships, which destroyed the power of the Lacedæmonians by sea.

After this victory, Conon and Pharnabazus sailed round the islands and coasts of Asia, and reduced most of the cities which, in those parts, were subject to the Lacedæmonians. The

consequence of the victory was, the revolt of almost all the allies of Sparta, several of whom declared for the Athenians, and the rest resumed their ancient liberty.

The Lacedæmonians saw with concern this great revolution; and finding themselves unable to maintain a war with men of equal bravery with themselves, they despatched Antalcidas, one of their citizens, to Tiribazus, governor of Sardis, entreating him to conclude a peace with Artaxerxes upon the best terms he could. The other cities of Greece in alliance with the Athenians sent at the same time their deputies, with Conon at their head. The terms which Antalcidas proposed were, that the king should possess all the Greek cities in Asia; but that the islands and other cities in Greece should enjoy their liberty, and be governed by their own laws. The Athenian deputies were unanimous in rejecting these proposals. Setting aside the interests of the Greeks in Asia, they saw themselves exposed by this treaty: the Athenians to the loss of the isles of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros; the Thebans to the cities of Boeotia; and the Argives to Corinth, with the loss of Argos in prospect. The deputies therefore withdrew without concluding anything.

Tiribazus, however, was resolved to carry into effect so desirable a treaty. The first thing he resolved upon was, the ruin of Conon, who was the great barrier in the way of its accomplishment. In this he was aided by the Lacedæmonians. Revenge for this brave man's success in the restoration of Athens dictated to them a line of policy which reflects the greatest disgrace upon the Spartan character of this period. Antalcidas was charged by them to accuse Conon of purloining the king's money for the re-establishment of the Athenian state, in which accusation there was not the shadow of truth. But Tiribazus grasped at it, and imprisoned Conon, by which act he was assured that there would be no further opposition on his part. This done, Tiribazus next secretly aided the Lacedæmonians with large sums of money for the purpose of fitting out a fleet, that they might be able to oppose the other states of Greece. After this, he went to the court of Persia, to give Artaxerxes an account of the negociation. Artaxerxes was pleased with the terms, and urged their adoption. At the same time, Tiribazus laid before the king the accusations which the Lacedæmonians had brought against Conon; and some authors, according to Cornelius Nepos, have affirmed, that he was executed at Susa by the order of Artaxerxes. Notwithstanding the silence of Xenophon on this subject, the statement may be correct; for it has ever been the policy of despotic rulers to put to death all those who were able to oppose their wishes and designs.

Upon the return of Tiribazus, B.C. 387, he summoned the deputies of the Grecian states to be present at the reading of the treaty, which read thus: "1. That all the Grecian cities in Asia Minor, with the important isles of Cyprus and Clazomenæ, should be subject to Persia: and, 2. That all the cities of Greece, both small and great, should be free, and governed by their own laws." Artaxerxes engaged to assist by sea and land, with ships and money, the states

which agreed to this treaty, against the refractory, by which clause the treaty was enforced upon all.

Such was the fruit of the jealousy and divisions which armed the Grecian cities against each other. By this treaty, the articles of the former Athenian peace of B.C. 449 were rescinded, and the paramount influence of Persia in Greece established. By it, all the various states were rendered independent of each other, and those powerful confederacies which had so long harassed and endangered the Persian empire, demolished; while the last clause of enforcing the peace "with ships and money," proved a fresh source of discord, and enabled Sparta to tyrannize afresh over the states that refused obedience to her authority, and involved her in a ruinous war with the Thebans under Epaminondas. Thus when Sparta shook the astonished Artaxerxes on his throne, from her division with the other states, in the language of the poet, she gave up,

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fair-spread o'er Asia's sunny shore,
Their kindred cities to perpetual chains.
What could so base, so infamous a thought
In Spartan hearts inspire? Jealous, they saw
Respiring Athens rear again her walls:
And the pale fury fired them, once again
To crush this rival city to the dust.
For now no more the noble social soul
Of Liberty my families combined;

But by short views, and selfish passions, broke,
Dire as when friends are rankled into foes,
They mixed severe, and waged eternal war:
Nor felt they, furious, their exhausted force;
Nor with false glory, discord, madness blind,
Saw how the blackening storm from Thracia came.
Long years rolled on, by many a battle stain'd
The blush and boast of fame! where courage, art,
And military glory shone supreme:
But let detesting ages from the scene

Of Greece self-mangled, turn the sickening eye."

Artaxerxes being now delivered from all fear of his long dreaded opponent, Greece, turned his whole power against Evagoras, king of Cyprus, who had refused to agree to the peace, and he reduced the whole island, B.C. 385.

During the next year, Artaxerxes engaged in another war against the Cardusians, who probably had revolted from him. This people inhabited the mountains between the Euxine and Caspian Seas, in the north of Media, and being inured from their infancy to a laborious life, were accounted a warlike people. Artaxerxes marched against them with an army of 300,000 foot, and 20,000 horse: but the country, by reason of its barrenness, not affording provisions sufficient to maintain so numerous an army, they were soon reduced to the extremity of feeding upon their beasts of burden. Their provisions became so scarce, that an ass's head was sold for sixty drachmas, about thirty-five pounds sterling, The king's provisions began to fail, and only a few horses remained. In this critical juncture, Tiribazus contrived a stratagem which saved the army from destruction. The Cardusians had two kings, who were encamped apart from each other. Tiribazus found that there was a division between them, and that jealousy prevented their acting in concert. Acting upon this, he advised the king to enter into a treaty with them, which being adopted, both princes were brought sepa

rately to submit to Artaxerxes, and thus saved his army from impending ruin.

At this time, Tiribazus stood accused by a jealous rival, Orontes, of forming designs against Artaxerxes, and of secretly corresponding with the Lacedæmonians. On the king's return to Susa, the service which Tiribazus had rendered him, inclined him to have his cause examined, and to grant him a fair hearing. Three commissioners of distinguished probity were appointed for the purpose, and the result was, that he was restored to the king's favour, and Orontes banished the court in disgrace.

"From thirst of rule, what dire disasters flow!
How flames that guilt which pride has taught to glow!
Wish gains on wish, desire surmounts desire,
Hope fans the blaze, and envy feeds the fire.
From crime to crime aspires the furious soul,
Nor laws, nor oaths, nor fears, its rage control.
Till Heaven, at length, awakes, supremely just,
And levels all its haughty schemes in dust."


Artaxerxes had long meditated the invasion of Egypt; but the foregoing events had prevented him from carrying this design into operation. At length, in the first year of the reign of Nectanebis, B.C. 374, a powerful army of Persians was sent thither, under the command of Pharnabazus, which was augmented by Grecian mercenaries under Iphicrates. The war was to begin with the siege of Pelusium, but Nectanebis having had sufficient time to provide for the defence of that place, the approach to it was found to be impracticable, either by sea or land. The fleet, therefore, instead of making a descent there, sailed to the Mendesian mouth of the Nile, which not being so well fortified as the Pelusian, where the enemy was expected, they carried the fortress that guarded it, and put all the Egyptians that were found in it to the sword. After this action, Iphicrates advised the embarkation of the troops, and the attack of Memphis; but the main body of the army not being yet arrived, Pharnabazus would not undertake any affair of moment. This probably saved Egypt, for the delay gave the Egyptians time to recover their courage, and to prepare for the conflict. The expedition was virtually at an end; and the only effect that it produced was, a mutual enmity between the two generals: for Pharnabazus, to excuse himself, laid the whole blame of the failure upon Iphicrates, and he, with more reason, on Pharnabazus. Pharnabazus, however, was the strongest at court, of which Iphicrates was well assured, and, knowing the Persian character, he privately hired a ship, and returned to Athens.

Twelve years after, Artaxerxes resumed his designs of subjecting Egypt to his rule. Tachus, who had succeeded Nectanebis, drew together his forces to repel the invader; but having marched out of Egypt into Phenicia, in order to attack the Persians there, the Egyptians revolted in his absence, and placed his cousin Nectanebus on the throne. (See the History of the Egyptians.) The close of the reign of Artaxerxes was embittered by domestic broils. The monarch had three legitimate sons, Darius, Ariaspes, and Ochus, and 115 that were spurious. To prevent contentions about the crown, and to

| check the ambition of Ochus, who had shown a towering disposition, he declared Darius, the eldest, his successor, and allowed him to wear the royal tiara. But Tiribazus, whom Artaxerxes had provoked by successively promising him two of his daughters in marriage, and afterwards disappointing him by marrying them himself, drew Darius and fifty of his brothers into a conspiracy against the life of their father. The day was fixed for the execution of their designs, when an eunuch, who was privy to the plot, discovered it to the king, and the conspirators were seized as they were entering the palace, and put to death.

A contest now arose between Ariaspes and Ochus, the legitimate sons, and Arsames, a favourite natural son of the king, about the succession. Ochus, however, contrived the death of both his brothers, and by these atrocious acts secured for himself the possession of the throne. He soon ascended it, for these domestic tragedies broke the old king's heart, in the ninetyfourth year of his age, and the forty-sixth of his reign.

Artaxerxes was a mild and generous prince, and governed with great wisdom, clemency, and justice; whence he was honoured, and his authority respected throughout his empire. The following anecdotes, says Dr. Hales, as recorded by Plutarch, seem to mark his character, and to confirm the treason of Cyrus, his brother, before his open rebellion.

"At first," says Plutarch, " Artaxerxes Mnemon seemed entirely to imitate the mildness of the first Artaxerxes, whose name he bore, by behaving affably to all who addressed him, and by distributing honours and rewards to persons of merit with a lavish hand. He took care that punishments should never be embittered with insult. If he received presents, he appeared as well pleased as those who offered them, or rather as those who received favours from him; and in conferring favours, he always kept a countenance of benignity and pleasure. There was not any thing, however trifling, brought to him by way of present, which he did not receive kindly. Even when one Omisus brought him a pomegranate of uncommon size, he said, 'By the light of Mithra, this man, if he were made governor of a small city, would make it a great one.' When he was once upon a journey, and people presented him with a variety of things by the way, a labouring man, having nothing else to present to him, ran to the river, and brought him some water in his hands. Artaxerxes, pleased with the act, showed his humour by sending the man a gold cup and 1000 darics. When Euclidas, the Lacedæmonian, said many insolent things to him, he contented himself with ordering the captain of his guard to give him this reply, 'You may say what you please to the king; but the king would have you to know that he can not only say, but do.'" These anecdotes denote the merciful prince: nevertheless there were moments, as we have seen, when the king paid little respect to the rights of humanity, when bent on revenge. Yet Artaxerxes may be said to have been one of the best of the monarchs of the ancient empire of Persia; and it is strange that his reign is omitted by Persian historians.


The death of Ariaspes and Arsames had alienated the minds of the nobles and people from Ochus and fearing this public odium, he concealed the death of his father for ten months, and conducted the administration of affairs in his name, until he deemed his own authority sufficiently established. By one of his decrees, he caused himself to be proclaimed king throughout the whole of the empire, as though by his father's order. At length, however, he openly ascended the throne, taking the name of Artaxerxes. He is known in history chiefly by his proper name, Ochus.

No sooner was the death of Artaxerxes made known, than all Asia Minor, Syria, Phenicia, and many other provinces, revolted. By this general insurrection, half the revenues of the crown were diverted into different channels, and the remainder would not have been sufficient to carry on the war against so many mal-contents, had they acted in concert. But this formidable revolt, which menaced the destruction of the Persian empire, came to nought, through the treachery and corruption of the leading partisans, especially of Orontes and Rheomitres, chiefs of Asia Minor, who delivered up their forces into the monarch's hands. Datames alone, governor of Cappadocia, gave him much trouble, and according to Cornelius Nepos, he was assassinated by Mithridates, one of his intimates, who had been suborned to the act by Ochus.

Ochus was the most cruel and wicked monarch of this race of the princes of Persia. To prevent future disturbances at home and abroad, he cut off in one day all the royal family, without any regard to consanguinity, age, or sex. Ocha, his own sister and mother-in-law, (for he had married her daughter,) was buried alive; and he caused his archers to slay with their arrows one of his uncles, and 100 of his children and grandchildren. This uncle appears to have been the father of Sisigambis, who was mother of Darius Codomannus; for Q. Curtius relates, that Ochus caused eighty of her brothers to be massacred in one day. All the nobility who were suspected of disaffection throughout the empire, shared the same fate as the relatives of Ochus. The sorrows of mankind seem to have been his sport.

But the cruelties that Ochus practised had the reverse effect of that which he intended. If a monarch desires the fidelity of his subjects, he must gain it by a spirit of love; severity and, still more, cruelty only estrange their affections from the throne. In the fifth year of his reign, Artabazus, governor of one of the western provinces, revolted, and, by the assistance of Chares and an Athenian force, defeated 70,000 of the king's troops. Ochus threatened to make war on the Athenians, and they recalled Chares. Afterwards, however, Artabazus procured assistance from the Thebans, and defeated the armies of Ochus in two engagements; but the king having bribed the Thebans, Artabazus was again left single-handed, and after three years' resistance, he was forced to flee and take refuge with Philip of Macedon.

This rebellion was no sooner quelled, than the Sidonians, Phenicians, and Cyprians revolted,

and joined the Egyptians, who still maintained their independence. At first, Ochus sent his generals against them; but these having failed to reduce them, Ochus himself took the command of the expedition. He besieged Sidon, which was betrayed to him by Mentor, the Rhodian, and Tennes, the king of that place. The Sidonians set fire to the city, and destroyed men, women, and children, with all their treasures. Ochus sold the ashes, which contained great quantities of melted gold and silver, for a high price, and rewarded Tennes, the traitor, with death. The fate of Sidon terrified the rest of the Phenicians into submission, among whom the Jews may be included, who seem to have joined the common cause.

After this, Ochus invaded Egypt, B. c. 350, in the ninth year of his reign, which he reduced chiefly by the assistance of Mentor, the Rhodian, and his Greek mercenaries. See the History of the Egyptians.

All the revolted princes being reduced, and peace established throughout the empire, Ochus gave himself up to ease and luxury, leaving the administration of public affairs to his ministers. The chief of these were Bagoas, the Egyptian eunuch, who was a great favourite, and Mentor, the Rhodian; the former of whom governed the provinces of Upper Asia, and the latter those of Lower Asia.

About B. C. 344, alarmed by the greatness of Philip, king of Macedon, Ochus sent some of his trustiest ministers on an embassy to Philip, under pretence of offering him his friendship and alliance, but in reality to discover his strength, resources, and designs. The young Alexander, then about twelve years old, entertained the ambassadors in the absence of his father, and gained their affections by his politeness and good sense. Even at this early age, he exhibited signs of approaching greatness. The ambassadors were surprised at his questions, which related to their monarch and their kingdom, and the geography of their country. They counted the famed shrewdness of Philip as nothing compared with the vivacity and enterprizing genius of his son, and said to each other, "This boy, indeed, will be a great king; ours is a rich one;" an observation which remarkably accords with the Scripture characters of both kings, of the goat and the ram, Dan. viii. 5—7; xi. 2, 3.

It has been recorded in the history of the Egyptians in what a cruel manner Ochus acted towards that people; trampling alike upon their religion, laws, and liberties, and filling the whole country with dismay. In revenge for his country's wrongs, Bagoas, who had long waited for an opportunity to rid his country of its oppressor, at length, in B. c. 338, poisoned Ochus, and placed Arses, his youngest son, upon the throne, allowing him the name of king, while he himself retained all the authority.


Arses did not long enjoy his shadow of power; for in his third year Bagoas, finding that his treasons were likely to be punished by the young monarch, anticipated his intention, and put him and his whole family to death, in the third year of his reign, B. C. 335.

DARIUS CODOMANNUS, OR DARAB II. This prince was a collateral branch of this dynasty. His grandfather was brother to Darius Nothus, one of whose sons only, Ostanes, escaped the ruthless massacre of the family by Ochus. Ostanes married Sisigambis, his own sister, by

whom he had Codomannus.

During the reign of Ochus, this prince lived in obscurity, and supported himself as an astanda, or courier, by carrying the royal despatches. At length, however, he signalized himself in killing a Cadusian champion, who had defied the Persian army to single combat in the same manner as Goliath defied the armies of Israel. For this exploit Darius Codomannus was rewarded by Ochus with the important government of Armenia, from whence he was advanced to the throne, upon the murder of Arses and his family by Bagoas.

On the accession of Darius Codomannus to the throne, he had no competitors; for the royal family and the principal nobility had been destroyed by Ochus and Bagoas. The latter, however, caused him some fear for his life. Finding that Codomannus was not to be entirely governed, Bagoas resolved to remove him as he had done his predecessor, by poison. The attempt was discovered, and Bagoas was compelled to drink the fatal potion himself. The empire was now, therefore, fully established, and Codomannus was "far richer" than "the last three kings" of Persia, because he was possessed of the vast additional treasures procured by the plunders of Ochus, after the reduction of Egypt and the other revolted provinces. His personal bravery gained him universal respect and admiration throughout the empire.

Darius ascended the throne shortly before the assassination of Philip of Macedon, which event took place near the end of the same year; and, as Alexander complained, by Persian instigation, and bribery of the assassins. This was alleged as one of his public grievances; and Bagoas, who then governed the Persian empire, would not have scrupled to remove a foe by such a mode, especially as Philip had been elected captaingeneral of the Grecian states, for the purpose of invading Persia. Codomannus himself set the price of 10,000 talents upon the head of Alexander, with which Alexander also openly reproached him by letter. The assassin employed was Alexander, son of Æropus, commander of the Thessalian cavalry; but the plot was discovered by Parmenio.

In his letter, Alexander complained of the underhand aggressions of Darius, and charged him with sending "improper letters" through all parts of Greece to excite them to make war on him, and with sending money to the Lacedæmonians and others, to corrupt his friends and break the peace. This accords in a remarkable manner with Scripture, which represents Darius as the first aggressor in the war that ensued. "And now will I show thee the truth. Behold, there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia, [Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mnemon, and Darius Ochus ;*]

The short reign of Arses, which was merely nominal, is omitted both by Justin and Scripture. In chronology, it is sometimes added to that of Ochus, as in that of Dr. Hale's Analysis.

and the fourth shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia," Dan. xi. 2.

Darius did not confine himself to such under

hand measures: he raised a powerful army, collected a large fleet, and engaged able officers to command both, among whom may be mentioned Memnon the Rhodian.

Darius Codomannus; therefore, in the beginning of his reign, involved himself in a war with this mighty monarch, of whom the voice of prophecy had said, " And a mighty king shall stand up, that shall rule with great dominion, and do according to his will," Dan. xi. 3; which received a remarkable accomplishment in the event we are about to narrate, and others that will be found in the history of the Macedonians.

It was early in the spring of the year B. C. 334, that Alexander set out on his expedition. His army consisted of 30,000 foot, and 5000 horse. With these he arrived in twenty days at Sestos, on the Hellespont, over which he had them conveyed to Asia by a fleet of 160 galleys, besides transports. No army opposed his landing.

Before he set out, Alexander assembled his army at Dios, in Macedonia, where he exhibited games and sacrifices in all the pomp of Grecian superstition. It was on this occasion that he had a remarkable dream, or vision, in which, as he related himself, while he was considering how to subdue Asia, a person in the dress of the Jewish high priest appeared to him, and encouraged him not to delay, but to pass over with confidence; for that he himself would head his army, and give him the Persian empire.

This circumstance, which is related by Josephus, has been questioned, because it is not noticed by any heathen historians; but their silence is not sufficient to invalidate his positive testimony. As these questioners belong to the number of those who doubt the verity of the supernatural details of the sacred history itself, it is impossible not to see that the principle of There are five their objection here is the same. cogent reasons, however, which demand our belief of this statement. 1. Because Alexander had been a clear and conspicuous object of prophecy, and that an operation upon his mind by dream, or vision, was as likely as the cases of Nebuchadnezzar and Belshazzar, and similar to them. 2. Because it seems to be as necessary that the Almighty should have been made known to him as the bestower of empires, as to the other great conquerors, all of 3. Because whom had been brought to avow it. an operation upon the mind of Alexander, showing him in what position he stood, was a necessary sequel to the operations upon the minds of those former conquerors. 4. Because the impression described as being made by this dream upon Alexander, and the conduct which resulted from it, is in unison with his character and conduct as described by other historians. 5. Because the Jews enjoyed the privileges which are described as the result of this transaction, and which it would not otherwise be easy to account for, or to refer to any other origin.

The spirit in which Alexander invaded Asia may be learned from the following circumstances. Before he left home, he disposed of almost all

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