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February and on the 26th of February. Our object now, as then, know that in such a Government, following such methods, we is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what puramongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such pose, there can be no assured security for the democratic gov. a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth insure the ernments of the world. observance of those principles.

We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace foe to liberty, and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense governments backed by organized force, which is controlled wholly about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the for the liberation of its peoples-the German people included-for last of neutrality in such circumstances.

the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that THE world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.

be planted upon the trusted foundations of political liberty.

We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest. no E have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feel dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material com

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not upon their impulse that their Government acted in entering of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the

It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined freedom of the nation can make them. upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere con Just because we fight without rancour and without selfish sulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the objects, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe

Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies with proud punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture profess to be fighting for. of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Immake conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked only perial Government of Germany because they have not made war under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor.

Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and unequalified indorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawkept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind less submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. Imperial Government, and it has therefore not been possible for They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador insists upon full information concerning all the nation's affairs. recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal

A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic govern- actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States ment could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its cove on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of nants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Intrigue would eat its vitals away, the plottings of inner circles Vienna. would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it who could plan what they would and render account to no one because there are no other means of defending our rights. can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligand prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of erents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act withtheir own.

out animus, not in enmity toward a people or with the desire to Does not every American feel that assurance has been added bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside and heartening things that have been happening within the last all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck. few weeks in Russia ?

We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reëstabalways in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her lishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between usthought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe their natural instinct, their habitual attitude toward life.

that this is spoken from our hearts. Autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, We have borne with their present Government thru all these long as it has stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, bitter months because of that friendship-exercizing a patience was not in fact Russian in origin, in character or purpose, and and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. now it has been shaken and the great, generous Russian people We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendhave been added in all their native majesty and might to the ship in our daily attitude and actions toward the millions of forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice and men and women of German birth and native sympathy who live for peace.

amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove Here is a fit partner for a league of honor.

it toward all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prus- Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true sian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking communities and even our offices of government with spies and and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity purpose. of council, our peace within and without, our industries and our If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm commerce.

hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before it only here and there and without countenance except from a the war began, and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture lawless and malignant few. but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Conkave more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace gress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the per us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into sonal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization accredited to the Government of the United States.

itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon always carried nearest our hearts—for democracy, for the right of them because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own govfeeling or purpose of the German people toward us (who were, no ernments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a unidoubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were) but only in the versal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itslef its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving at last free. to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security everything that we are and everything that we have, with the at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us pride of those who know that the day has come when America at our very doors the intercepted note to the German Minister is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.

that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we treasured. God help her, she can do no other.

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HREE years of war have educated the American people to its meaning. We know that war is no longer, if indeed it ever was, an affair of young men with

uniforms and rifles going out to shoot the enemy while the rest of the nation carried on "business as usual" and applauded the soldiers on their return. It was Krupp's factories and not the Kaiser's mailed fist or “shining armor" that won the first Belgian campaign. It was the train dispatcher and the maker of railroad supplies that defeated the Russians. It was the two million men and women in the British munitions factories that compelled the German retreat in the west. Even the men actually in the war zone follow the most varied and specialized occupations. He who says “soldier” may mean by the term baker, lumberman, dentist, blacksmith, engineer, electrician, musician, chemist or mechanician. The man in the front trenches is the apex of a great industrial pyramid which includes nearly every trade and occupation known to mankind, with the exception of a few that minister to the luxuries of peace times.

The moral of this for the people of the United States is that we should never confront another war either in the state of unpreparedness which is represented by a small volunteer army or only half-prepared, with compulsory service for the army and no organization of war industry. We must make universal service a reality as well as a name. When the time comes that the other nations of the world will consent with us to a general disarmament this period of training may be devoted to some peaceful service to the community, such as was suggested by that far-sighted American philosopher, the late William James, in his “Moral Equivalent of War.” We trust that the necessity for the individual nation to organize its citizenry for the common defense will become as obsolete under international federation as the sheriff's posse has become in cities whose peace is safeguarded by a good police force. But so long as there exists in the world a military menace to our national liberties every one who shares the privileges of American citizenship ought to be taught some useful part in the great industry of war.

Of course the acquirement of a war technic will take a certain amount of time and absorb a certain fraction of the productive energy of the nation. But as some counterbalance to this we must reckon the cost of economic disorganization on the eve of battle. The transition from a peace basis to a war basis at present is a frightful waste not of money only but of time and human ability as well. Thousands of men and women are thrown into the ranks of the unemployed by the failure of their businesses and yet no place has been made ready for them in the industries of war. Skilled artizans and farmers, just the men to feel first the impulse of patriotism, enlist in the army while the fields go untilled and the men at the front curse the lack of ammunition which prolongs the agony of the campaign. New fleets of merchant shipping are built and experienced sailors cannot be found to man them. Coal miners go on strike for double wages, confident that their places cannot be filled. The liquor trade and other parasitic businesses flourish, and the worst class of slackers, the wasters, keep servants and tradesmen busy ministering to their pleasures while the army is short of the most elementary necessities and the poor in the great cities are face to face with famine. All this is true even in Germany, the land which claims a monopoly of efficiency.

The needs of war time may be reduced to five: men to fight at the front; men and women to supply their immediate needs or to make the tools of war; men and women

to care for the needs of the civilian community; men and women to care for transportation, and men and women to “tide over" the enterprizes of peace until the end of the war. All persons in any way capable of productive effort should be enlisted in one of these five national services from the instant war is declared and it should be the primary duty of the national Government to preserve a due balance among them. The first class consists of all the physically sound young men whose civilian work can be taken over by others during the war without economic loss. Ordinary military training should be given to all persons in this group.

The teaching of war technic to the other groups is still to be developed. So far as possible it should be in line with the chosen occupation of the individual, but it might well be given in summer camps or university extension classes and, of course, in schools and colleges, so that the feeling of comradeship and patriotic coöperation might be emphasized as strongly as in the regular military service. Large factories, manufacturing and electrical establishments in particular, would perform a great patriotic service by giving facilities for a few weeks' training each year at the plant in the application of mechanical, chemical and electrical processes to the special needs of war. All agricultural schools should give a course on the proper balance of crops with each other and with live stock when there is a large standing army to be fed according to the standard diet provided by the Government. Railroad men should be instructed in the handling and shipment of munitions of war and every merchant ship should be available as an efficient transport.

Some of the trades farthest removed from military life in the limited sense of the word can be made surprizingly useful in war time with a little special training. The baker ought to be taught the use of the army oven as a part of his business. The veterinary surgeon can specialize a little on the army mule and the cavalry charger. The photographer should be given a little practise in military observation work. The chauffeur ought not to be licensed until he has proved his knowledge of how to repair a military transport automobile or an army ambulance. The jeweler might well study the officer's field glass and chronometer. Every tailor should learn to make the standard national uniforms and every cobbler to make army boots before necessity compels him to learn in a hurry what he should have known all along. Even the painter has a field opened to his talents in the new science of camouflage.

An objection may be raised to this universal conscription that it would tend to introduce militarism into the whole of industrial life. It would be far more likely to introduce the civilian spirit into the business of war. The nation would simply turn from mere money making to the task of the common defense without any accompaniment of red tape or gold braid, of arrogant officers or “shot at sunrise" courts martial. Every man and every woman, young or old, strong or sickly, would slip into an appointed and duly prepared post of duty; at the hospital bedside, in the camp kitchen, at the telegraph key, at the engine throttle, at the plow, in the coal mine, in the lumber camp, at a clerk's desk in Washington or even the schoolhouse and the hearthside. Wherever work had to be done there would be a man or woman trained before the war to do it. This common basis of service would in time become as much a matter of course as going to school and since all would have the share that they were able to perform in the work of the war it would be the logical basis of a common citizenship and a universal franchise.








OTHING will be the same after seeming to pay less to him. They can go It is the resistance of spurs and red tabs the war.” This is one of the con bankrupt either by a depreciation of their to military innovations over again. This soling platitudes with which

peo currency or--without touching the gold is the resistance of quills and red tape. On ple cover over voids of thought. They utter standard-thru a rise in prices. In the end the other hand the organization of Britain it with an air of round-eyed profundity. both these things work out to the same for war has “officialized" a number of inBut to ask in reply, “Then how will things end; the creditor gets so many loaves or

dustrial leaders and created a large body be different?" is in many cases to rouse

pairs of boots or workman's hours of labor of temporary and adventurous officials. great resentment. It is almost as rude as for his pound less than he would have got They may want to carry on into peace gaying: "Was that thought of yours really

under the previous conditions. One may production the great new factories the a thought?"

imagine this process of price (and of war has created. At the end of the war, Let us in this paper confine ourselves course wages) increase going on to a lim for example, every belligerent country will to the social-economic processes that are itless extent. Many people are inclined to be in urgent need of cheap automobiles for going on. So far as I am able to distin look to such an increase in prices as farmers, tradesmen, and industrial purguish among the things that are being said certain outcome of the war, and just so poses generally. America is now producing ir these matters, they may be classified far as it goes, just so far will the burden such automobiles at a price of four hun cut into groups that center upon several

of the rentier class, their call that is for dred dollars. But Europe will be heavily in typical questions. There is the question of goods and services, be lightened. This ex debt to America, her industries will be dis**How to pay for the war?" There is the pectation is very generally entertained, and organized. and there will, therefore, be no question of the behavior of labor after the I can see little reason against it. The in sort of return payment possible for these war, “Will there be a labor truce or a vio tensely stupid or dishonest press, however, hundreds of thousands of automobiles. A lent labor struggle ?" There is the question

in the interests of the common enemy, country that is neither creditor nor proof the reconstruction of European industry which misrepresents socialism and seeks ducer cannot be an importer. Consequentafter the war in the face of an America in to misguide labor in Great Britain, ig- ly, tho those cheap tin cars may be stacked a state of monetary and economic reple nores these considerations, and positively as high as the Washington Monument in tion thru non-intervention. My present holds out this prospect of rising prices America, they will never come to Europe. purpose in this paper is a critical one; as an alarming one to the more credulous On the other hand the great shell factories it is not to solve problems, but to set out and ignorant of its readers. But now comes of Europe will be standing idle and ready, various currents of thought that are flow the second way of meeting the after-the- their staffs disciplined and available, for ing thru the general mind. Which current war obligations.

conversion to the new task. The imperative is likely to seize upon and carry human This second way is by increasing the commonsense of the position seems to be affairs with it, is not for our present spec

wealth of the state and by increasing the that the European governments will set ulation.

national production to such an extent that themselves straight away to out-Ford Ford, There seem to be two distinct ways of the payment of the rentier class will not and provide their own people with cheap answering the first of the questions I have be an overwhelming burden. Rising prices road transport. noted. They do not necessarily contradict tilk the creditor. Increased production will each other. Of course the war is being check the rise in prices and get him a real UT here

in the question largely paid for immediately out of the payment. The outlook for the national cred whether this commonsense course is accumulated private wealth of the past. itor seems to be that he will be partly inevitable. Suppose the mental energy We are buying off the “hold-up" of the bilked and partly paid ; how far he will be left in Europe after the war is insufficient private owner upon the material and re bilked and how far paid depends almost for such a constructive feat as this. There sources we need, and paying in paper entirely upon this possible increase in pro will certainly be the obstruction of official money and war loans. This is not in itself duction; and there is consequently a very pedantry, the hold-up of this vested inan impoverishment of the community. The feen and quite unprecedented desire very terest and that, the greedy desire of "priwealth of individuals is not the wealth of widely diffused among intelligent and ac vate enterprise" to exploit the occasion nations; the two things may easily be tive people, holding war loan scrip and upon rather more costly and less produecontradictory when the rich man's wealth the like, in all the belligerent countries, to tive lines, the general distrust felt by igconsists of land or natural resources or see bold and hopeful schemes for state en norant and unimaginative people of a new franchises or privileges the use of which richment pushed forward. The movement way of doing things. The process after all he reluctantly yields for high prices. The toward socialism is receiving an impulse may not get done in the obviously wise conversion of held-up land and material from a new and unexpected quarter, there way. This will not mean that Europe will into workable and actively used material is now a rentier socialism, and it is inter- buy American cars. It will be quite unable in exchange for national debt may be in- esting to note that while the London Times to buy American cars. It will be unable to deed a positive increase in the wealth of is full of schemes of great state enterprises, make anything that America will not be the community. And what is happening in for the exploitation of Colonial state lands, able to make more cheaply for itself. But all the belligerent countries is the taking for the state purchase and wholesaling it will mean that Europe will go on withover of more and more of the realities of of food and many natural products, out cheap cars, that is to say it will go on wealth from private hands and, in ex and for the syndication of shipping and more sluggishly and clumsily and wastechange, the contracting of great masses of the great staple industries into vast fully at a lower economic level. Hampered debt to private people. The net tendency trusts into which not only the British transport means hampered production of is toward the disappearance of a reality but the French and Italian governments other things, and increasing inability to holding class, the destruction of realities may enter as partners, the so-called so buy abroad. And so we go down and down. in warfare, and the appearance of a vast cialist press of Great Britain is chiefly It does not follow that because a course rentier class in its place. At the end of the busy about the draughts in the cell of Mr. is the manifestly right and advantageous war, much material will be destroyed for Fenner Brockway and the refusal of Prin course for the community that it will be evermore, transit, food production and in ter Scott Duckers to put on his khaki taken. I am reminded of this by a special custry will be everywhere enormously so trousers. The New Statesman and the Fa basket in my study here, into which I pitch cialized, and the country will be liable to bian Society, however, display a wider in letters, circulars, pamphlets and so forth pay every year in interest a sum of money telligence.

as they come to hand from a gentleman exceeding the entire national expenditure There is a great variety of suggestions named Gatti, and his friends Mr. Adrian before the war. From the point of view of for this increase of public wealth and pro Ross, Mr. Roy Horniman, Mr. Henry the state, and disregarding material and duction. Many of them have an extreme Murray and others. His particular projmoral damages, that annual interest is the reasonableness. The extent to which they ect is the construction of a Railway Clearannual instalment of the price to be paid will be adopted depends, no doubt, very ing House for London. It is an absolutely for the war.

largely upon the politician and permanent admirable scheme. It would cut down the Now the interesting question arises official, and both those classes are apt to heavy traffic in the streets of London to whether these great belligerent states may panic in the presence of reality. In spite about one third; it would enable us to run go bankrupt, and if so to what extent of its own interest in restraining a rise in the goods traffic of England with less than States may go bankrupt to the private prices, the old official “salariat" is likely half the number of railway trucks we now creditor without repudiating their debts or to be obstructive to any such innovations. employ, it would turn over enormous areas



of valuable land from their present use as than themselves. They make the most years before the war. The necessity for railway goods yards and sidings; it would cheerful and generous soldiers in the whole sudden and even violent coöperations and save time in the transit of goods and labor world, without insisting upon that demo- submersions of individuality in a common in their handling. It is a quite beautifully cratic respect which the Frenchman exacts. purpose, which this war has produced, is worked out scheme. For the last eight or They do not criticize and they do not trou- rapidly crystallizing out these ideas into ten years this group of devoted fanatics ble themselves much about the general plan clear proposals. has been pressing this undertaking upon of operations, so long as they have confian indifferent country, with increasing ve dence in the quality and good-will of their CAR is an evil thing, but people who hemence and astonishment at that indiffer- leading. But British soldiers will hiss a will not learn from reason must have ence. The point is that its adoption, tho general when they think he is selfish, un an ugly teacher. This war has brought home it would be of enormous general benefit, feeling, or a muff. And the socialist propa. to every one the supremacy of the public would be of no particular benefit to any ganda has imported ideas of public service need over every sort of individual claim. leading man or highly placed official. On into private employment. Labor in Britain One of the most remarkable things in the the other hand it would upset all sorts of has been growing increasingly impatient of British war press is the amount of space individuals who are in a position to ob- bad or selfish industrial leadership. Labor given to the discussion of labor developstruct it quietly-and they do so. Meaning trouble in Great Britain turns wholly upon ments after the war. This is in its comno evil, I dip my hand in the accumulation the idea crystallized in the word pleteness peculiar to the British situation. and extract a leaflet by the all too zealous "profiteer.” Legislation and regulation of Nothing on the same scale is perceptible in Mr. Murray. In it he denounces various hours of labor, high wages, nothing will the press of the Latin allies. A great movepublic officials by name as cheats and keep labor quiet in Great Britain, if labor ment on the part of capitalists and business scoundrels, and invites a prosecution for thinks it is being exploited for private gain. crganizers is manifest to assure the worker libel.

Labor feels very suspicious of private of a change of heart and a will to change In that fashion nothing will ever get gain. For that suspicion a certain rather method. Labor is suspicious, not foolishly done. There is no prosecution, but for all common type of employer is mainly to but wisely suspicious. But labor is considthat I do not agree with Mr. Murray about blame. Labor believes that employers as a ering it. the men he names. These gentlemen are class cheat workmen as a class, plan to "National industrial syndication," say just comfortable gentlemen, own brothers cheat them, of their full share in the com the business organizers. to these old generals of ours who will not mon output, and drive hard bargains. It be “Gild socialism,” say the workers. take off their spurs. They are probably iieves that private employers are equally There is also a considerable amount of quite charming people except that they ready to sacrifice the welfare of the nation talking and writing about “profit-sharing" know nothing of that Fear of God which and the welfare of the workers for mere and about giving the workers a share in searches the heart. Why should they bother? personal advantage. It has a traditional ex the business direction. Neither of these

So many of these after-the-war problems perience to support these suspicions. ideals appeals to the shrewder heads among bring one back to the question how far the In no department of morals have ideas the workers. So far as direction goes their war has put the Fear of God into the hearts changed so completely during the last disposition is to ask the captain to comof responsible men. There is really no other eighty years as in relation to "profits.” mand the ship. So far as profits go, they reason in existence that I can imagine why Eighty years ago every one believed in the think the captain has no more right than i hey should ask themselves the question, divine right of property to do what it the cabin boy to speculative gains; he "Have I done my best?" and that still pleased with its advantages, a doctrine more should do his work for his pay whether it more important question, “Am I doing disastrous socially than the divine right of is profitable or unprofitable work. There is they should ask themselves, "Am I doing kings. There was no such sense of the im little balm for labor discontent in these my best now?” And so while I hear plenty morality of "holding up” as pervades the schemes for making the worker also an inof talk about the great reorganizations that public conscience today. The worker was finitesimal profiteer. are to come after the war, while there is expected not only to work but to be grate During my journey in Italy and France the stir of doubt among the rentiers wheth- ful for employment. The property owner I met several men who were keenly interer, after all, they will get paid, while the held his property and handed it out for use ested in business organization. Just before unavoidable stresses and sacrifices of the and development or not, just as he thought I started my friend N, who has been the war are making many people question the fit. These ideas are not altogether extinct chief partner in the building up of a very rightfulness of much that they did as a today. Only a few days ago I met a mag big and very extensively advertised Ameriinatter of course, and of much that they nificent old lady of seventy-nine or eighty, can business, came to see me on his way took for granted, I perceive there is also who discoursed upon the wickedness of her back to America. He is as interested in something dull and not very articulate in gardener in demanding another shilling a his work as a scientific specialist, and as this European world, something resistant week because of war prices.

ready to talk about it to any intelligent and inert, that is like the obstinate rolling She was a valiant and handsome person and interested hearer. He was particularly over of a heavy sleeper after he has been age. A face that had still a healthy natural keen upon the question of continuity in the called upon to get up. “Just a little longer. pinkness looked out from under blonde business, when it behooves the older genJust for my time."

curls, and an elegant and carefully tended eration to let in the younger to responsible One thought alone seems to make these band tossed back some fine old lace to ges management and to efface themselves. He more intractable people anxious. I thrust ticulate more freely. She had previously was a man of five and forty. Incidentally it in as my last stimulant when everything charmed her hearers by sweeping aside cer he mentioned that he had never taken any. else has failed. “There will be frightful tain invasion rumors that were drifting thing for his private life out of the great trouble with labor after the war," I say. about.

business he had built up but a salary, "a They try to persuade themselves that “Germans invade Us !" she cried. “Who'd good salary," and that now he was going to military discipline is breaking in labor. let 'em, I'd like to know. Who'd let 'em?" grant himself a pension. “I shan't interfere

And then she reverted to her grievance any more. I shall come right away and live HAT does British labor think of the about the gardener.

in Europe for a year so as not to be temptoutlook after the war? As a distinct "I told him that after the war he'd be ed to interfere. The boys have got to run ive thing British labor does not think. glad enough to get anything. Grateful! it some day, and they had better get their "Class-conscious labor," as the Marxists 'They'll all be coming back after the war, experience while they're young and capable put it, scarcely exists in Britain. The only all of 'em, glad enough to get anything. of learning by it. I did." convincing case I ever met a bath- Asking for another shilling indeed!"

I like N's ideas. “Practically," I said, chairman of literary habits at Eastbourne. Every one who heard her looked shocked. "you've been a public official. You've treatThe only people who are, as a class, class But that was the tone of every one of im ed your business like a public service.” conscious in the British community are the portance in the dark years that followed That was his idea. Anglican gentry and their fringe of the the Napoleonic wars. That is just one sur "Would you mind if it was a public genteel. Everybody else is "respectable.” vivor of the old tradition. Another is Blight service ?" The mass of British workers find their the solicitor, who goes about bewailing the He reflected, and some disagreeable memthinking in the ordinary halfpenny papers fact that we writers are "holding out false ory darkened his face. “Under the politior in John Bull. The so-called labor papers hopes of higher agricultural wages after the cians ?" he said. are perhaps less representative of British war.” But these are both exceptions. They I took the train of thought N had set labor than any other section of the press; are held to be remarkable people even by going abroad with me next day. I had the The Labor Leader, for example, is the their own class. The mass of property own good luck to meet men who were interested organ of such people as Bertrand Russell, ers and influential people in Europe today industrially. Captain Pirelli, my guide in Vernon Lee, Morel, academic rentiers who no more believe in the sacred right of prop Italy, has a name familiar to every motorknow about as much of the labor side of crty to hold up development and dictate ist; his name goes wherever cars go, spelt industrialism as they do of cock-fighting. terms, than do the more intelligent work with a big long capital P. Lieutenant de All the British peoples are racially willing ers. The ideas of collective ends and of the Tessin's name will recall one of the most and good-teni pered people quite ready to fiduciary nature of property had been interesting experiments in profit-sharing to be led by those they imagine to be abler soaking thru the European community for the student of social science. I tried over



N's problem on both of them. I found in was never so strong and never so manifest strange sprawling empire of ours will drop both their minds just the same attitude as ly spreading and increasing as it is today. back into a secondary place in the world. he takes up toward his business. They think But service to what?

These two writers really seem to think any businesses that are worthy of respect, I have my own very strong preconcep- that the slack workman, the slacker the sorts of businesses that interest them, tion here, and since my temperament is wealthy man, the negligent official, the conare public functions. Money-lenders and sanguine they necessarily color my view. servative schoolmaster, the greedy usurer, speculators, merchants and gambling gentle. I believe that this impulse to collective serv the comfortable obstructive, confronted folk, may think in terms of profit; capable ice can satisfy itself only under the formula with this alternative, terrified at this idea business directors certainly do nothing of that mankind is one state of which God of something or other called the Empire the sort.

is the undying king, and that the service of being "eclipsed,” eager for the continuI met a British officer in France who is men's collective needs is the true worship ance of this undefined glory over their fel. also a landowner. I got him to talk about of God. But eagerly as I would grasp at any low creatures called “Empire," will perhis administrative work upon his property. evidence that this idea is being developed ceive the error of their ways and become He was very keen upon new methods. He and taken up by the general consciousness, energetic, devoted, capable. They think an said he tried to do his duty by his land. I am quite unable to persuade myself that ideal of that sort is going to change the How much land?" I asked. anything of the sort is going on. I do per daily lives of men.

I sympathize “Just over nine thousand acres,” he said. ceive a search for large forms into which with their purpose, and I deplore their

“But you could manage forty or fifty the prevalent impulse to devotion can be conception of motives. If men will not thousand with little more trouble."

thrown. But the organized religious bodies, give themselves for righteousness, they will "If I had it. In some ways it would be with their creeds and badges and their in not give themselves for a geographical easier.”

stinct for self preservation at any cost, score. If they will not work well for the “What a waste !" I said. “Of course you stand between men and their spiritual hatred of bad work, they will not work cught not to own those acres, what you growth in just the same way the fore well for the hatred of Germans. This “Emought to be is the agricultural controller stallers stand between men and food. Their pire" idea has been cadging about the of just as big an estate of the public lands activities at present are an almost intoler- British Empire, trying to collect enthusias you could manage-with a suitable able nuisance. One cannot say “God” but asm and devotion, since the days of Dissalary."

some tout is instantly seeking to pluck one raeli. It is, I submit, too big for the mean He reflected upon that idea. He said he into his particular cave of Aummery and spirited, and too tawdry and limited for aid not get much of a salary out of his land orthodoxy. What a rational man means by the fine and generous. It leaves out the as it was, and made a regretable allusion God is just God. The more you define and French and the Italians and the Belgians to Mr. Lloyd George. “When a man tries argue about God the more He remains the and all our blood brotherhood of allies. It to do his duty by the land," he said .. same simple thing. Judaism, Christianity, has no compelling force in it. We British

But here running thru the thoughts of Islam, modern Hindu religious thought, all are not naturally Imperialist ; we are somethe Englishman and the Italian and the agree in declaring that there is one God, thing greater-or something less. For two Frenchman and the American alike one master and leader of all mankind, in un years and a half now we have been fightfinds just the same idea of a kind of offi- ending conflict with cruelty, disorder, folly ing against Imperialism in its most excialism in ownership. It is an idea that and waste. To my mind, it follows imme- travagant form. It is a poor incentive to pervades our thought and public discussion diately that there can be no king, no gov- right living to propose to parody it. today everywhere, and it is an idea that is ernment of any sort, which is not either The blind man must lunge again. For scarcely traceable at all in the thought of a subordinate or a rebel government, a local when the right answer is seized it anthe early half of the nineteenth century. usurpation, in the kingdom of God. But no swers not only the question why men The idea of service and responsibility in organized religious body has ever had the should work for their fellow men, but also property has increased and is increasing, courage and honesty to insist upon this. why nations should cease to arm and plan the conception of "hold-up,” the usurer's They all pander to nationalism and to and contrive against nation. The social conception of his right to be bought out rowers and princes. They exist so to problem is only the international problem of the way, fades. And the process has been pander. Every organized religion in the in retail, the international problem is only enormously enhanced by the various big world exists only to divert and waste the the social one in gross. scale experiments in temporary socialism religious impulse in man.

My bias rules me altogether here. I see that have been forced upon the belligerent This conviction that the world kingdom men in social, in economic and in interpowers. Men of the most individualistic of God is the only true method of human

national affairs alike, eager to put an end quality are being educated up to the pos service, is so clear and final in my own

to conflict, inexpressibly weary of conflict sibilities of concerted collective action. My mind, it seems so inevitably the convic- and the waste and pain and death it infriend and fellow student Y, inventor and tion to which all right thinking men must volves. But to end conflict one must abanbusiness organizer, who used to make the ultimately come, that I feel almost like a

con aggressive or uncordial pretensions. best steam omnibuses in the world and who looker-on at a game of blindman's buff as

Labor is sick at the idea of more strikes is now making all sorts of things for the I watch the discussion of synthetic politi- and struggles after the war, industrialism army, would go pink with suspicious anger cal ideas. The blind man thrusts his seek

is sick of competition and anxious for servat the mere words "inspector" or "social- ing hands into the oddest corners, he ice, everybody is sick of war. But how can ism” three or four years ago. He does not clutches at chairs and curtains, but at last

they end any of these clashes except by do so now. he must surely find and hold and feel over

the definition and recognition of a common A great proportion of this sort of man, and guess the name of the plainly visible

ond which will establish a standard for this energetic directive sort of man in Eng- guarry. land, is thinking socialism today. They may

Some of the French and Italian people which, that is, every other issue can be

the trial of every conceivable issue, to not be saying socialism but they are think- I talked to said they were fighting for

subordinated ; and what common end can ing it. When labor begins to realize what is “Civilization." That is one name for the

there be in all the world except this idea adrift it will be divided between two things, kingdom of God, and I have heard English between appreciative coöperation, for which people use it, too. But much of the con

of the world kingdom of God? What is the gild socialism in particular bas prepared its temporary thought of England still wan

good of orienting one's devotion to a firm, mind, and traditional suspicion. I will not ders with its back to the light. Most of it

or to class solidarity, or La Republique offer to guess here which will prevail.

is pawing
jerry-built, secondary

Française, or Poland, or Albania, or such things. I have before me a little book, the

love and loyalty as people profess for THE impression I have of the present joint work of Dr. Grey and Mr. Turner, King George or King Albert or the Duc an ex-public schoolmaster, and a

d'Orleans, or any such intermediate object

manumunities is that while the official class and facturer, called “Eclipse or Empire?” The of self abandonment? We need a standard the rentier class is thinking very poorly title “World Might or Downfall ?” had

so universal that the plate layer may say to and inadequately, and with a merely ob- already been secured in another quarter.

the barrister or the duchess, or the Red structive disposition, while the churches are It is a book that has been enormously ad

Indian to the Limehouse sailor, or the merely wasting their energies in futile selfvertised; it has been almost impossible to Anzac soldier to the Sinn Feiner or the advertisement, while the labor mass is sus escape its column long advertisements, it Chinaman, “What are we two doing for picious and disposed to make terms for is billed upon the boardings, and it is on

it?" And to fill the place of that "it," no itself rather than come into any large the whole a very able and right spirited other idea is great enough or commanding schemes of reconstruction that will abolish book. It calls for more and better educa- enough, but only the world kingdom of profit as a primary aim in economic life, tion, for more scientific methods, for less God. there is still a very considerable movement class suspicion and more social explicit However long he may have to hunt, toward such a reconstruction. Nothing is ness and understanding, for a franker and the blind man seeking service and an end so misleading as a careless analogy. In the fairer treatment of labor. But why does it to bickerings will come to that at last, bedead years that followed the Napoleonic call for these things? Does it call for them cause of all the thousand other things he wars, which are often quoted as a prece because they are right? Because in accom may clutch at, nothing else can satisfy his dent for expectation now, the spirit of col- plishing this, one serves God?

manifest need. lective service was near its minimum ; it Not at all. But because otherwise this London, England


T menim process in the European com

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