and Porto Rico; and of effecting these objects by the impartial intervention of Russia. The principles of the emperor were sufficiently known to the government of the United States, to justify the perfect confidence, that in expressing a wish for the continuance and confirmation of the peace enjoyed by the world, it did but represent the most sincere desire of his imperial majesty, that, in professing a generous solicitude for the rights of Spain, over her islands in the West Indies, it avowed principles that had long since been adopted by Russia, as the bases of her political system; and that, in anticipating perfect impartiality and true disinterestedness from her intervention, it was not deceived as to the sentiments of the emperor, in relation to all arrangements in which foreign powers might be pleased to claim or admit his good offices. His imperial majesty felicitates himself with having inspired this confidence in the United States of America, and the undersigned is charged to invite Mr. Middleton to convey to his government the assurance of the high value at which the emperor estimates those sentiments, of which new evidence is furnished by its present propositions. The opinions of his imperial majesty, as to the question discussed by Mr. Clay in his despatch. cannot be concealed from the cabinet of Washington. His imperial majesty has ever thought that justice, the law of nations, and the general interest in having the indisputable titles of sovereignty respected, could not allow the determinations of the mother country in this important case, to be prejudged or anticipated. On the other side, whenever Spain has wished to discuss the future condition of South America, she has addressed overtures to all the allied powers of Europe. It will not be possible, therefore, for his imperial majesty to change principles in this negotiation, nor to institute it separately (insolement ;) and until positive information has been received of the ulterior views of Spain, in regard to her American possessions, of her decision upon the proposition of the United States, and of the opinions of her allies in relation to the same subject, Russia cannot give a definitive answer. She is, however, in the mean while, pleased to hope, that the United States, becoming every day more convinced of the evils and dangers that would result to Cuba and Porto Rico from a change of government, being satisfied, as Mr. Clay has said, in his despatch, with the present commercial legislation of these two islands, and deriving an additional motive of security from the honorable resolution of Spain not to grant to them any longer, letters of marque, will use their influence in defeating, as far as may be in their power, every enterprise against these islands, in securing to the rights of his catholic majesty constant and proper respect, in maintaining the only state of things that can preserve a just balance of power in the sea of the Antilles, prevent shocking examples, and, as the cabinet of Washington has remarked, secure to the general peace, salutary guarantees. The undersigned seizes with pleasure this occasion to repeat to Mr. Middleton, the assurances of his very distinguished consideration. NESSELRODE. St. Petersburg, Aug. 20, 1825. MR. CLAY TO MR. MIDDLETON. Department of State, Washington, 26th Dec. 1825. Sir-Your despatches, No. 48 and 49, have been duly received and submitted to the president. He sees with much satisfaction, that the appeal which has been made through you to the emperor of Russia, to employ his friendly offices in the endeavor to bring about a peace between Spain and the new American republics, has not been without favorable effect. Considering the intimate and friendly relations which exist between the emperor and his allies, it was perhaps not to be expected, that, previous to consultations with them, language more explicit should be held than that which is contained in count Nesselrode's note. Although very guarded, it authorizes the belief that the preponderating influence of Russia has been thrown into the scale of peace. Notwithstanding predictions of a contrary result, confidently made by Mr. Secretary Canning, this decision of the emperor corresponds with the anticipations which have been constantly entertained here, ever since the president resolved to invoke his intervention. It affords strong evidence both of his humanity and his enlightened judgment. All events out of Spain seem now to unite in their tendency towards peace; and the fall of the castle of St. Juan d'Ulloa, which capitulated on the 18th day of last month, cannot fail to have a powerful effect within that kingdom. We are informed that, when information of it reached the Havana, it produced great and general sensation and that the local government immediately despatched a fast sailing vessel to Cadiz to commu nicate the event, and, in its name, to implore the king immediately to terminate the war, and acknowledge the new republics, as the only means left of preserving Cuba to the monarchy. In considering what further mea sures could be adopted by this government, to second. the pacific exertions which, it is not doubted, the emperor is now employing, it has appeared to the president, that a suspension of any military expe. dition, which both, or either of the republics of Colombia and Mexico may be preparing against Cuba and Porto Rico, might have a good auxiliary influence. Such a suspension, indeed, seemed to be due to the friendly purposes of the emperor. I have, accordingly, addressed official notes to the ministers of those republics, accredited here, recommending it to their governments, an extract from one of which, (the other being substantially the same,) is herewith transmitted. You will observe it inti mated in those notes, that other governments may feel themselves urged, by a sense of their interests and duties, to interpose in the event of an invasion of the islands, or of contingencies which may accompany or follow it. On this subject, it is proper that we should be perfectly understood by Russia. For ourselves, we desire no change in the possession of Cuba, as has been heretofore stated. We cannot allow a transfer of the island to any European power. But if Spain should refuse to conclude a peace, and obstinately resolve on continuing the war, although we do not desire that either Colombia or Mexico should acquire the island of Cuba, the president cannot see any justifiable ground on which we can forcibly interfere. Upon the hypothesis of an unnecessary protraction of the war, imputable to Spain, it is evident that Cuba will be her only point d'appui, in this hemisphere. How can we interpose, on that supposition, against the party clearly having right on his side, in order to restrain or defeat a lawful operation of war? If the war against the islands should be conducted by those republics in a desolating manner; if, contrary to all expectation, they should put arms into the hands of one race of the inhabitants to destroy the lives of another; if, in short, they should countenance and encourage excesses and examples, the contagion of which, from our neighborhood, would be dangerous to our quiet and safety; the government of the United States might feel itself called upon to interpose its power. But it is not apprehended that any of those contingencies will arise, and, conse quently, it is most probable that the United States, should the war continue, will remain hereafter, as they have been heretofore, neutral observers of the progress of its events. You will be pleased to communicate the contents of this despatch to the Russian government. And as, from the very nature of the object which has induced the president to recommend to the governments of Colombia and Mexico a suspension of their expeditions against the Spanish islands, no definite time could be suggested for the duration of that suspension, if it should be acceded to, it must be allowed, on all hands, that it ought not to be unnecessarily protracted. Therefore, you will represent to the government of Russia, the expediency of obtaining a decision from Spain, as early as possible, in respect to its disposition to conclude a peace. I am your obedient servant, Henry Middleton, Envoy Ex- MR. SALAZAR TO MR. CLAY. Legation of Colombia, Near the United States or N. America. The undersigned has the honor to communicate to the hon. Henry Clay, for the information of his government, and the attainment of the objects proposed, that the assembly of American plenipotentiaries, in relation to which the minister from Mexico and the undersigned have held some verbal conferences with the secretary of state, at their previous request, will shortly be organized; as the plenipotentiaries from Peru are already at the isthmus of Panama, the place appointed for the congress, and those from Colombia and other American republics, are on their way to this assembly, which they have provided for by public treaties. The hon. secretary having intimated, in the name of his government, that the United States, if formally invited by Mexico and Colombia, and apprized of the subjects to be discussed, would, on their part, appoint a person to represent them, if these subjects should be approved by the United States, the undersigned is accordingly authorised by his government to address this invitation, which he now makes, by this note, in all due form. He is also assured that the minister from Mexico will present the same invitation on the part of his government, and the minister from Guatemala has just received similar instructions from his government. Of the points which will be under discussion by the assembly of Panama, the undersigned is unable to give a minute enumeration, as they will evidently arise out of the deliberations of the congress. He is, however, authorised by his government to assure the United States that these points have no tendency to violate their professed principles of neutrality. The undersigned has also been instructed to suggest some subjects, that will form useful matter of discussion in the congress-These subjects constitute two classes: 1. Matters peculiarly and exclusively concerning the belligerents. 2. Matters between the belligerents and neutrals. As the United States will not take part in the discussion of subjects of the first description, we will confine ourselves to the latter. At Panama, the best and most opportune occasion is offered to the United States, to fix some principles of international law, the unsettled state of which has caused much evil to humanity. It is to be presumed that this government possesses more light upon the subject than the other states of our hemisphere, both from its experience during the wars that succeeded the French revolution, and from its negotiations now on foot with Great Britain and other nations, relative to these principles. It belongs to each of the concurring parties to propose their views, but the voice of the United States will be heard with the respect and deference which its early labors in a work of such importance will merit. The manner in which all colonization of European powers on the American continent shall be resisted, and their interference in the present contest between Spain and her former colonies prevented, are other points of great interest. Were it proper, an eventual alliance, in case these events should occur, which is within the range of possibilities, and the treaty, of which no use should be made until the casus fæderes should happen, to remain secret; or, if this should seem premature, a convention so anticipated would be different means to secure the same end, of preventing foreign influence. This is a matter of immediate utility to the American states that are at war with Spain, and is in accordance with the repeated declarations and protests of the cabinet at Washington. The conferences held on this subject being confidential, would increase mutual friendship, and promote the respective interests of the parties. At The consideration of the means to be adopted for the entire abolition of the African slave trade, is a subject sacred to humanity, and interesting to the policy of the American states. To effect it, their energetic, general, and uniform co-operation is desirable. the proposition of the United States, Colombia made a convention with them on this subject, which has not been ratified by the government of the United States. Would that America, which does not think politic what is unjust, would contribute, in union, and with common consent, to the good of Africa! The descendants of this portion of the globe have succeeded in founding an independent republic, whose government is now recognized by its ancient metropolis. On what basis the relations of Hayti, and of other parts of our hemisphere that shall hereafter be in like circumstances, are to be placed, is a question simple at first view, but attended with serious difficulties when closely examined. These arise from the different manner of regarding Africans, and from their different rights in Hayti, the United States, and in other American states. This question will be determined at the isthmus, and, if possible, an uniform rule of conduct adopted in regard to it, or those modifications that may be demanded by circumstances. The undersigned merely makes these suggestions by way of example; it is left to the wisdom of the governments, and the judgments of their representatives, to propose whatever may be esteemed of common good to the new hemisphere. Inviting the United States, in the name of Colombia, to a congress, the mere assembling of which will increase the political importance of America, and show the facility with which she can combine the resources in defence of common rights, when necessary, the undersigned hopes that the United States will make an early appointment of a person or persons to represent them in this assembly, as the conditions that were required have been fulfilled. The undersigned has the honor to offer to the hon. Henry Clay his most distinguished consideration. JOSE MARIA Salazar. Washington, Nov. 2, 1825. MR. OBREGON TO MR. CLAY. Legation of the United States of Mexico. Washington, 3d Nov. 1825. The underwritten minister plenipotentiary, has the honor of informing the hon. secretary of state, that he has communicated to his government the conversations which occurred between them, on his making known to them the determination of the governments of Colombia and Mexico, to form a congress of representatives from the new states of the continent, who to that end had been invited; in which were to be discussed, subjects of general interest to all the American powers, as well as those which might be particularly suggested by the existence and actual position of the new powers; and, in the meeting of which, it was thought proper, by the government of the subscriber, that the United States of America by means of their commissioners, should constitute and take part, as being so much interested in the first and principal subject, upon which the congress would be engaged. In consequence of which, being informed of the concurrence of this government, in the idea of discussing the first point in a congress as was desired, and that it would send representatives to it, under condition, that the neutrality in which it stood towards Spain, should not be violated; and that it should be invited thereto, by the republics of Mexico and Colombia, who should, moreover, signify the affairs with which it was to be occupied, to promote its object and the necessary uniformity of credentials or authorization of the respective representatives: the president of the United States of Mexico, has charged and commissioned anew, the underwritten to make the invitation, and to point out the affairs as stated. The government of the subscri |